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为什么中国地方人大的发展会存在一定程度的地方差异？本文以市级人大为例，分析了经济现代化与人大发展之间的关系。通过对全国性数据的定量分析，本文发现：首先，一个地方的经济发展水平越高，当地市级人大的立法权、监督权和代表功能的发展水平越高。第二，一个地方的第二、第三产业生产总值所占的比重越高，当地的市级人大越有可能在立法和代表方面发挥重要的作用。 / 本文还利用丰富的定性资料和统计数据分析了其中的因果机制，发现随着经济现代化水平的不断提高，市级人大有更强的动力行使立法权、监督权和发挥代表功能，以应对经济现代化所带来的各种挑战；此外，经济现代化给市级人大的发展带来了更多的财政资源和人力资源，因此也就提升了市级人大的能力。因而经济现代化能够对人大的发展起到促进的作用。 / 可以说，中国市级人大的发展是政治制度调适的一种表现形式，一方面，尽管市级人大已经逐渐摆"橡皮图章"的尴尬地位，但党对人大的领导仍然得到有效的维持；另一方面，人大的发展调整了人大与"一府两院"、人大与民众之间的关系，加强了制度化的横向分权和自下而上的问责：这可以在一定程度上减少官员违法滥权的现象，改善政府的施政绩效，提高政府的回应性，缓和社会矛盾，也就促进了社会的稳定，提高了政权的政绩合法性，因而有助于中共政权更好地适应经济现代化所带来的外部环境的变化。 / 本文的发现表明，一方面，正如许多研究所揭示的，经济现代化的过程可能会造成社会的不稳定，并且给威权政体的生存带来威胁；然而另一方面，经济现代化又会促进威权政体中的政治制度进行调适，从而在一定程度上有利于促进社会的稳定和威权统治的延续。 / 然而，需要指出的是，这种政治制度的调适具有一些难以克服的局限性，随着经济现代化水平的继续提高，政治制度调适的需求可能会进一步增加，但调适的空间可能会逐渐缩小，在这种情况下，威权统治者能否继续通过政治制度的调适来保持威权体制的生命力，则仍然是未知之数。 / Why does regional variation exist in the development of Local People’s Congresses in China? Taking Municipal People’s Congresses (MPC) as cases, this research explores the relationship between economic modernization and the development of People’s Congresses (PC). Based on quantitative analysis on national data, it reveals that, firstly, the higher the level of economic development, the higher the levels of MPCs’ development in legislation, supervision and representation; secondly, the larger the proportion of the gross product of secondary and tertiary industries in GDP, the higher the development levels of MPCs’ legislation and representation. / This research also analyzes abundant qualitative and quantitative data to reveal the causal mechanism and finds that, firstly, as the modernization of economics, MPCs have stronger motivations to promote their legislation, supervision and representation for dealing with the challenges brought by economic modernization; secondly, economic modernization also increases the finanicial and human resources owned by MPCs, which is beneficial to the development of their capacities. Thus economic modernization can make contributions to PCs’ development. / The dissertation argues that the development of Chinese MPC is the Adaptation of Political Institutions. On the one hand, though going away from the image of "rubber stamp", PCs are still under robust leadership of Chinese Communist Party (CCP). On the other hand, PCs’ development adjusts the relationship between PCs and governments, procuratorates or courts, as well as the relationship between PCs and the Public, strengthening institutional horizontal and vertical accountability. To a certain degree, the adaptation of political institutions restrains officials’ illegal behaviors and the abuse of power, improves the performance of governments, strengthens governments’ responsiveness and decreases social contradiction, thus has positive effects on social stability and regime legitimacy, which makes the CCP regime be better adapted to the changing external environment caused by economic modernization. / The main discoveries of this dissertation illustrate that, on the one hand, just as many studies have revealed, the process of economic modernization is possible to cause social instability as well as the collapse of authoritarian regimes; on the other hand, economic modernization also promotes the adaptation of political institutions in authoritarianism, which is beneficial to social stability and regime survival. / Nevertheless, some limitations still inevitably exist in such adaptation of political institutions. As economics continues to be more and more modernized, the demand for politically institutional adaptation may increase, but the remaining space for such adaptation will probably turn narrower and narrower. Under this condition, it is still unknown whether or not authoritarian rulers are able to keep utilizing the adaptation of political institutions to consolidate their regimes. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 陳川慜. / Parallel title from added title page. / Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2015. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 177-188). / Abstracts also in English. / Chen Chuanmin.

Typescript (photocopy). / Digitized by Kansas Correctional Industries

Originally presented as the author's Thesis (doctoral)--Université Paul Valery-Montpellier III, 2000. / Includes bibliographical references.

Part of Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Chicago, 1932. / "Private edition, distributed by the University of Chicago libraries, Chicago, Illinois." "Reprinted from Social science studies no. XXVI, the University of Chicago press, 1933."

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1968. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record.

This study investigates the causes of the service delivery protests in South African municipalities that occurred between 2005 to 2013. In a sense, the recent widespread service delivery protests which, in many instances, have turned violent, have sounded an alarm that cannot be ignored. The study is premised on the fact that no political democracy can survive and flourish if the mass of its people remain in poverty, and in a state of inequality and unemployed without tangible prospects for a better life. In this regard, the presence of service delivery protests, especially violent ones, is a threat to South Africa’s young democracy and its sustainability. This study is based on the assumption that the Nelson Mandela Bay Metropolitan Municipality, like other municipalities in South Africa, could be confronted with the possibility of further violent service delivery protests if the current causes were not scientifically investigated and solutions found. The study adopted a hypothesis with a view that South African municipalities could succeed in rendering effective public services if matters of poor public participation, corruption, service delivery inhibiting systemic factors, a cumbersome legislative environment, political infighting, poor intergovernmental fiscal regime and the low capacity of municipalities were adequately addressed. The study proposed to provide a brief literature review on the emergence of service delivery protests against the backdrop of a theoretical investigation on the new local government developmental mandate. The empirical survey and research methodology employed in the study is described, followed by the operationalisation of the survey questionnaire used for gathering field data. The research findings of the empirical survey are then statistically analysed, interpreted and reported. Some of the findings on the causes of service delivery protests includes slow pace of service delivery, especially in the delivery of sustainable human settlements, poor public participation and other underpinning systemic factors. Recommendations flowing from, inter alia, the results of the empirical study, are presented on how the existing status quo can be changed to enhance service delivery and development. If adopted, these recommendations will enable the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality, as a development agent, to fulfil its developmental mandate thereby addressing the causes of the service delivery protests currently facing it.

Processes of ecological modernisation – where ecological protection becomes increasingly viable and attractive, whether through market forces or by state intervention and regulation – have received considerable attention within the academic literature. However, extant theory in this respect has focused almost wholly on the nation state level and has yet to account for the role played by local governments. This thesis seeks to address that deficiency by developing conceptual tools to study local government behaviour in order to understand why local governments contribute differently from one another to processes of ecological modernisation. A model of local environmental policy capacity is proposed (using insights from new theories of institutionalism, policy entrepreneurship and policy networks) and is applied to the ‘zero-carbon homes’ policy agenda of England in the period 2006 to 2015. This agenda is chosen because it both illustrates ecological modernisation and centres on a key field of responsibility for local government – local planning. Two local governments are chosen for in-depth study to assess the value of the model. Oxford City Council, on the one hand, which showed reluctance in contributing to the agenda, and Cambridge City Council, on the other, which has been more proactive. The research provides useful insights on reasons for the differences between the two cities, these reflecting, above all, the dialectical relationship between policy entrepreneurship and institutions. Empowered entrepreneurs operating within an institutional context conducive to both change, and with a focus on sustainability, are important conditions for action. The key contribution of the thesis lies in its revelations about the processes of ecological modernisation at a local level, and the argument that, if ecological modernisation theory is to be useful in explaining the processes of change in this regard – as it claims to be – then it needs also to take account of local government’s contributions.