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Because the past researches of the North Korea¡¦s nuclear problem are devoid of a classical geopolitics approach, this article will explain this problem from the traditional ¡§buffer state¡¨ approach. Nuclear weapons symbolize absolute attack ability. Because of many limitations superpowers cannot smoothly transform nuclear weapons to a deterrence function; however, small countries have advantages that superpowers do not possess in using nuclear weapons so they can break these limitations and favorably transform nuclear weapons to a deterrence function. North Korea can take these advantages to change the fate of geopolitics in the past, which was a weak buffer state, and use nuclear weapons to stabilize the whole buffer system to achieve the goal of extending the peacetime. Thus, North Korea's very effort to obtain nuclear weapons is the process of stabilizing the buffer system but this does not mean that North Korea can sit without worries. The problem of the successor and the economic breakdown are two Achilles' heels in North Korea, both of which have the risk that will destroy the whole buffer system.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Boston College, 1994. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 262-293).

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 1990. / Thesis Advisor(s): Tritten, James J. Second Reader: Minott, Rodney K. "June 1990." Description based on title screen as viewed on 19 October 2009. DTIC Identifier(s): Balance of power, Western security (international), international politics, Northern Europe, government (foreign), elimination, nuclear free zones. Author(s) subject terms: Arms control, nuclear free zones, Scandenavia. Includes bibliographical references (p. 112-121). Also available in print.

Šio magistro darbo objektas – Korėjos Liaudies Demokratinės Respublikos (toliau Šiaurės Korėja) branduolinė programa ir jos keliamos grėsmės tarptautiniam saugumui. Pastarosios yra nagrinėjamos pasitelkiant realizmo teoriją ir jos atstovo Hans J. Morgenthau sisteminį ir nesisteminį požiūrį į valstybę, R. Cooper senosios ir naujosios pasaulio tvarkos sąvokas, Šiaurės Korėjos reakcijas į tarptautinės bendruomenės galios demonstravimą tarptautinėje arenoje. Taip pat analizuojamos tarptautinės bendruomenės pastangos spręsti susidariusią situaciją plėtojant daugiašalius santykius (dėmesį sutelkiant į keturšales ir šešiašales derybas). Šiame darbe yra teigiama, jog Šiaurės Korėja traktuoja tarptautinę aplinką kaip priešišką sau, nes vis dar grindžia savo politiką senosios pasaulio tvarkos koncepcija, t. y. Šaltojo Karo laikotarpio nustatytomis taisyklėmis, todėl daugiašalės derybos netenka prasmės. Galiausiai yra pateikiamos įžvalgos, kaip ateityje gali klostytis įvykiai Korėjos pusiasalyje. Darbą sudaro trys pagrindinės dalys. Pirma – realizmo teorijos analizė pasitelkiant Hans J. Morgenthau sisteminį ir nesisteminį požiūrį į valstybę. Antra – Šiaurės Korėjos branduolinės programos įtaka tarptautiniam saugumui. Trečia – daugiašalių santykių neefektyvumo priežastys, Šiaurės Korėjos reakcija į tarptautinės politikos pokyčius ir ateities perspektyvos. Darbe pateikiama sutrumpinimų rodyklė ir priedai. / The object of this major thesis is the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea’s (North Korea) nuclear program and the threat it possesses to international security. The latter are being analyzed within realism theory and Hans J. Morgenthau’s systemic and non-systemic view to the state, R. Cooper’s new and old world order concepts, North Korea’s reactions to international community’s power demonstration in international system. Also, the analysis of international community’s efforts to deal with the emerging situation through multilateral negotiations is being carried out (concentrating the attention to four and six-party talks). In this thesis the statement is being made, that North Korea is viewing international system as rival to her, because it still forms politics according to the old world order concept, that is according to the rules that emerged during Cold War, and this is why the multilateral talks most of the times are meaningless. Lastly, the insights to the future events in Korea peninsula are being proposed. The thesis is composed of three parts. In the first part the analysis of realism theory according to Hans J. Morgenthau is being carried out. In the second part the influence of nuclear North Korea’s program to international security is pointed out. The third part tells why multilateral negotiations were not effective, what is the North Korea’s reaction to the changes in international politics and the future perspectives are being told. This analysis includes... [to full text]

The purpose of this research is to analyze the People’s Republic of China’s foreign policy towards the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. In order to analyze the People’s Republic of China’s foreign policy towards the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, the author will take advantage of the constructivist approach and from that view the author will give the three specific issue areas to look at the People’s Republic of China’s foreign policy towards the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, the nuclear weapon program, the possible reunification of two Koreas, the changed leadership in North Korea, respectively. Through these three specific issue areas, we can go tohave a general understanding about what is the People’s Republic of China’s governments’foreign policy towards the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea.  The conclusion will be made on the basis of the three specific events and through that we can realize and conclude the standpoints of the People’s Republic of China’s foreign policy on the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Canterbury, 2008. / Typescript (photocopy). "November 2008." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 141-152). Also available via the World Wide Web.

In examining why the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) pursues nuclear weapons, this study focuses on Pyongyang's consistent demand for normalization of relations with Washington. The primary aims of this study are 1) to study the significance of normalization of relations with Washington as an alternative to nuclear weapon development in the DPRK, 2) to investigate potential causal relationships between Pyongyang's policy choices and Pyongyang's expectation for normalization of relations with Washington, and 3) to examine whether culturally sensitive behavior significantly influences Pyongyang's policy decisions. To understand the significance of normalization of relations and the meaning of Pyongyang's behavior, this study depends heavily on cultural perspectives. In this study, two independent variables are examined for their effects on Pyongyang's policy, 1) Pyongyang's expectation for normalization of relations with Washington, and 2) the alignment of Washington's policy with Pyongyang's cultural code. Two hypotheses emerge from these two factors: first, when Pyongyang had high expectations for normalization of relations with Washington, Pyongyang was more likely to choose engagement policies and give less priority to pursuit of nuclear weapons; and second, the more Washington's policies harmonized with Pyongyang's cultural code, the more Pyongyang cooperated with Washington. Using case studies and discourse analysis, this study examines four periods from 1991 to 2011. Interviews with North Korean defectors and with South Korean experts complement this study of expectation and cultural meaning. The study concludes, first, that normalization of relations with Washington appeared to Pyongyang as a viable alternative to nuclear weapon development in providing a security guarantee and national dignity. Second, during most periods, Pyongyang appeared to believe that it was highly dependent on nuclear weapons for its regime survival when it could not expect the benefits of improved relations with Washington. By the same token, Pyongyang's regime survival seemed less dependent on nuclear weapons when it could expect improved relations with Washington. At some times, however, Pyongyang practiced confrontation as a way to improve domestic stability. But usually high context diplomacy by the United States elicited positive responses.

abstract: With the status of nuclear proliferation around the world becoming more and more complex, nuclear forensics methods are needed to restrain the unlawful usage of nuclear devices. Lithium-ion batteries are present ubiquitously in consumer electronic devices nowadays. More importantly, the materials inside the batteries have the potential to be used as neutron detectors, just like the activation foils used in reactor experiments. Therefore, in a nuclear weapon detonation incident, these lithium-ion batteries can serve as sensors that are spatially distributed. In order to validate the feasibility of such an approach, Monte Carlo N-Particle (MCNP) models are built for various lithium-ion batteries, as well as neutron transport from different fission nuclear weapons. To obtain the precise battery compositions for the MCNP models, a destructive inductively coupled plasma mass spectrometry (ICP-MS) analysis is utilized. The same battery types are irradiated in a series of reactor experiments to validate the MCNP models and the methodology. The MCNP nuclear weapon radiation transport simulations are used to mimic the nuclear detonation incident to study the correlation between the nuclear reactions inside the batteries and the neutron spectra. Subsequently, the irradiated battery activities are used in the SNL-SAND-IV code to reconstruct the neutron spectrum for both the reactor experiments and the weapon detonation simulations. Based on this study, empirical data show that the lithium-ion batteries have the potential to serve as widely distributed neutron detectors in this simulated environment to (1) calculate the nuclear device yield, (2) differentiate between gun and implosion fission weapons, and (3) reconstruct the neutron spectrum of the device. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Electrical Engineering 2017

Magister Administrationis - MAdmin / This thesis attempts to assess the role Africa has played to further the humanitarian approach to nuclear weapons disarmament. Particular focus is on the Pelindaba Treaty and whether it has been able to strengthen the call for disarmament based on the humanitarian approach. The findings of this research are that the Pelindaba treaty did contribute indirectly to the strengthening of the humanitarian initiative of nuclear weapons disarmament because the Treaty serves as an important contribution towards the achievement of a world without nuclear weapons, which is the key objective of the humanitarian initiative of nuclear weapons disarmament. In addition, the Pelindaba Treaty has also contributed in strengthening the call for overall nuclear disarmament. This is the case as 53 states signed the treaty to rid the continent of nuclear weapons and any direct threats associated with those weapons. In so doing, it has contributed greatly to disarmament efforts. A nuclear weapons free zone across the continent is a powerful statement about the desire for a nuclear free world. It has provided African states with a foundation for engaging in the humanitarian initiative, as it led to some standardisation of statements/positions. Also, since the inception of the humanitarian approach to disarmament, African states have contributed greatly to the initiative. In terms of numbers, in the three conferences on the humanitarian impact of nuclear weapons use that have taken place between 2013 and 2014 (in Oslo, Nayarit and Vienna), it was witnessed that the number of participating African states increased from 34 in the first meeting to 45 in the last meeting. This alone indicates the determination and commitment by these African states to the initiative. Conclusively, this research determined that the Pelindaba Treaty and efforts of African states in general have contributed towards strengthening the call for not only the humanitarian initiative to nuclear weapons disarmament but also to disarmament overall.