Canada has historically been both attracted to and suspicious of the United States. While closer relations have promised greater economic benefits, Canadians have long been wary of the influence wielded by Americans by virtue of their size and power, as well as a crusading sense of nationalism. Hence free trade, while economically attractive, has been rejected on no less than five occasions in Canadian history. However, despite the emphasis placed on autonomy by nationalists, Canada has from its very inception drawn closer to its only neighbour. Trade with the Americans steadily displaced British trade, a trend accelerated by the Second World War. The war brought Ottawa and Washington into particularly close cooperation, and the emergence of the United States as the leader of the Western alliance in 1945 further solidified their relationship. NATO and NORAD went a good distance toward integrating continental defence, while bilateral trade mounted, boosted further by the signing of the Auto Pact in 1965. Yet, even in the face of such cooperation, the nationalist impulse in Canadian politics has remained strong. Diefenbaker's pledge to divert 15 per cent of Canada's trade with the United States to Great Britain echoed Canadian concerns about their dependence on the U.S. and was clearly antagonistic to American interests, as were the string of highly nationalistic policies enacted under Trudeau. Autonomy has become more difficult to achieve, however. The global economy has become increasingly competitive, while the post-1945 liberal trading order no longer seems capable of ensuring open world markets. The relative decline of the United States evident since the mid-1960s, combined with the rising importance of regional trade blocs and the economic success of Japan and the NICs, acted to undermine the liberal trade regime established in the wake of World War II. No longer willing to trade off economic gains for security goals, Washington, beginning with the "Nixon shocks" of 1972-73, turned to protectionism. Trade issues became crucial to the formulation of foreign policy, while states became increasingly vulnerable to the actions and policies pursued by others. The rising importance of trade to virtually all countries, due in large part to the post-war liberal trade regime, thus led to an increasing politicization of trade issues. The declining utility of force as an effective tool of foreign policy, given by the development of nuclear weapons and the ineffectiveness of conventional weapons demonstrated in Vietnam and Afghanistan, has heightened further the importance of economic issues. The traditional distinction between the "high politics" of security considerations and the "low politics" of economic issues has, for many states, been erased. Increasingly states are faced with trade-offs between security and economic values. This increased concern with economic values is evident in Canada's decision to pursue free trade with the United States. The sacrifices entailed in a nationalist political course have become more expensive both because of the rise of protectionism in the United States, and further because the intrinsic value of national economic performance has risen The trade-off between autonomy and wealth long recognized in Canadian politics remains, yet the value of affluence has increased. Indeed, Canadian nationalism has come to be defined increasingly in terms of Canadian performance in the world economy. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

Contemporary Canadian television suffers from a severe lack of indigenous programming. The majority of programming available on Canadian television screens comes from foreign sources, predominantly the United States, and most of the programs watched by Canadian viewers are American. The dominance of American programming in Canada has resulted in a television system in which indigenous programming plays a minor role. If the Canadian television system is to achieve the aims for which it was created, domestic programming must become a vital force in the system. What is needed are domestic programs that deal with Canadian nationalism. In this thesis, Canadian nationalism will be defined, and methods for creating television programs in which nationalism is an influential force will be proposed. The suggested changes will focus on entertainment programming, as this is the most popular programming category in Canada. The type of programs necessary will be discussed in detail, and other actions that will help create a framework in which creation of these programs is possible will be outlined. This thesis will show why it is vital that nationalism becomes a significant aspect of entertainment programming, how this can be achieved, and why it should occur as soon as possible. / Arts, Faculty of / Theatre and Film, Department of / Graduate

Canada is more accurately described as an independent imperialist country than a relatively dependent or foreign-dominated country. This conclusion is reached by examining recent empirical evidence on the extent of inward and outward foreign investment, ownership links between large financial corporations and large industrial corporations, and the size and composition of manufacturing production and trade. In each of these areas, the differences between Canada and other members of the G7 group of countries are not large enough to justify placing Canada in a different political-economic status than these core imperialist countries. An historical context for the debate over Canada's current status is provided by archival research on how socialists in the 1920s addressed similar issues. Imperialist status means that social and economic problems in Canada are more rooted in Canadian capitalism and less in foreign capitalism than is generally assumed by left-nationalist Canadian political economy. Given Canada's imperialist status, labour and social movements in Canada should not support Canadian nationalism, e.g., oppose 'free' trade and globalization on this basis. / Arts, Faculty of / Geography, Department of / Graduate

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This thesis is concerned with the relationship between geopolitics and the emergence of a "nationalizing Canadian state" at the beginning of the twentieth century. Previous constitutional approaches and economic accounts are not sufficient to explain the emergence of a nationalizing Canadian state. All of these have been insightful, but like economic accounts of nationalism they ignore the larger realm of geopolitics. The literature on state formation has demonstrated that many factors stimulate state formation, but perhaps no other is as important as geopolitics. Geopolitics is concerned with diplomacy, arms, and territory. Such things are seldom discussed when writing about Canada. Canadians dislike being perceived as a military people. Yet geopolitical events have been central to the development of a distinct nationalizing Canadian state. During this period Canadian state elites took steps to gain further control of diplomacy, develop the military arm of the state so as to protect its sovereignty, and consolidate its territory. Additionally, all of these developments increased the scope of the state's functions. Moreover, under the leadership of Prime minister Wilfrid Laurier, the liberal nature of its regime meant that the national identity that began to develop had strong leanings towards civic nationalism. This thesis will attempt to integrate a sociological theory of nation-state building with the already established literature on the geopolitical relations between Canada, Great Britain, and the United States. Through the application of historical sociology, it illustrates the validity of exploring Canadian nation and state building in a geopolitical context and adds to the literature on state formation.

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