The study seeks to delineate the African socio-political environment through an analytical contextualisation of repetitive authoritative systems, which perpetuate exclusion and the formation of politicised identity. Through a process of historical evaluation of African politics since the majority of states became independent, the study attempts to test a constructed triangular supposition that explains why identity disputation persists at almost every level of African governance. Bearing in mind the almost natural progression of African politics towards identity contestation, the second overriding objective seeks to evaluate the secession of South Sudan as a possible preventative model for identity politicised conflict. In this fashion, the study delves into the politics of a previously unified Sudan; and the events that led South Sudan to eventually seek secession. The primary objective of the study is to evaluate the assumption that territorial secession in Africa is able to quell identity contestation and promote an opportunity for equitable democratic governance. To meet the above objectives, a comprehensive outlay of African socio-politics and governance will be utilised to frame the analysis. Firstly, the study seeks to elaborate on the historiography of African colonial legacy as providing the foundations of identity exclusive politics on the continent. In this way, considerable investigative reverence must be given to the respective policies of colonial administration, namely indirect rule and direct rule. The effects of either of these policies contend a type of socio-political conditioning of African elites and civil society that still persists at time of writing. The concentration of this endeavour will be focused towards indirect colonial policy most famously implemented by British colonialism. The effects of the British policy of ethnic and ethno-religious categorisation is vitally important to a greater understanding of the majority of examples studied in the literature, including the formation of identity contestation in the case of the Sudan. Secondly, to further understand the complex dynamism of African politics which lead to identity based disputation, the study will turn to an analysis of the rhetoric of African independent governance and ideology. The primary objective here will be to detail how differing enactments of African ideology, including the advent of Pan-Arabism to the case of Sudan, ultimately continued the tradition of exclusive citizenship and dominance of some groups over others on the continent. This leads the study to uncover the deeper reasons for why socio-political exclusion continues to the present day. The final dimension of the triangular process suggests that exclusion has been maintained in Africa to prevent access of subverted groups to governance structures and more importantly to the limited resources of African states. Finally, the case of the secession of South Sudan is interpreted through the analytical lens of politicised identity that forms in the face of inadequate state structures to provide legitimate democratic access to the state. The third facet of the proposed theoretical triangle suggests that conflict and contestation is a product of grievances expressed from political exclusion. In this way, it is pivotal to the study to assess whether secession, as in the case of South Sudan, provides a valid alternative platform for suppressing identity contestation and promoting effective democratic consolidation. By all accounts, there is overwhelming evidence already to suggest that secession may be a successful way to repress identity politicisation. However, there remain substantial hurdles for many African states, including a now autonomous South Sudan, in order to finally dissolve the enduring problems of socio-political exclusion. Propositions and possible solutions will be posited for these states as an ad hoc objective.