Thesis--University of Washington. / Vita. Another copy has number: Thesis 27710. Bibliography: leaves [425]-448.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--George Washington University, 1981. / Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2008. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--The American University, 2007. / Adviser: Quansheng Zhao. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Georgia, 1993. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 213-237).

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This research deals with the discordance between the national state and the nation state in the formation of the Republic of Korea (ROK). Charles Tilly (1992) distinguishes between the concept of the national state and that of the nation state, even though many scholars use the nation state. According to Charles Tilly (1975;1985;1992), a national state is simply state that rules demarcated territories, has a differentiated administration, and centralized autonomous structures, while the nation state is a state that comprises one single nation, in other words, a nation is the basis of the nation state. Tilly defines the nation as one community in which people share a strong linguistic, ethnic, religious1and symbolic, historical identity. Based on this national state theory, national subject and identity of the new Korean nation are keys to understand this research. The ROK has been a very strong state in terms of despotic power, which means physical violent means of the state. The ROK has reemerged as a strong state after the Korean War. The regime based on this characteristic tries to mobilize people and their resources. People should answer the state’s call and participate in national development projects. But even the strongest regime cannot rely on its superiority or monopolized means of physical violence to mobilize people and their resources. Therefore, as in fascist states, the regime created a variety of Administered Mass Organization (AMOs). There are two big purposes in mobilizing people of the ROK: one is de-politicization; the other is enforced cooperation in the name of nationalism, which means “state-formed nationalism.” The Saemaul Undong (New Village Movement), the Hankooknochong (Federation of Korea Trade Unions), and the Hakdohokookdan (Student National Defense Corps) were the main AMOs under Park’s rule. De-politicization played a role in making Koreans participants in the AMOs by avoiding being labeled as Uhyong, meaning collaborator with the dictator. Under surf of various ideologies to encourage South Koreans’ participation in development projects or AMOs, South Koreans began to identify themselves with a new ideology as state citizens of the ROK. A new Korean nation emerged through the experiences that Koreans had participated in. This thesis investigates the process of the creation of the new Korean nation during the economic development period. The salvation of a struggle between the nation state vs the national state in Korea emerged as an economic development and the creation a new Korean nation within the boundary of demilitarized zone the ROK. National subject discourse becomes a key factor of the process of emergence of a new Korean nation. / text

Using South Korea's transnational performances as a case-study, this dissertation examines the cultural implications of the much-celebrated Korean model of national development. Starting with two contemporary South Korean performances--The Last Empress, the Musical (1995), and Nanta [Cookin'] (1997), a nonverbal performance--I explore how the producers' commitments to South Korea's cultural development are manifested in these productions. Situating these performances within the South Korean social context of the mid-1990s, I explore how the reinvention of Korean traditional cultures represents both national capacity and responds to calls for globalism without losing Korean identity. In the first chapter, my analysis of The Last Empress illustrates how local desire for global success resulted in a perpetuation of a Broadway-style musical in a Korean mode. I argue that, while the play utilizes its female character's pioneering image to claim a place for the musical in the global era, it simultaneously pulls her back into the traditional domain. With Nanta [Cookin'] in the following chapter, I argue that the production's commercial accomplishment lies in its strategic blending of pan-Asian cultural elements and the use of food without language which well co-operated with the burgeoning cultural tourism industry in South Korea. Extending my argument further, I conclude with an analysis of global-national interplay as they were played out at the 2002 Korea-Japan World Cup. As a way of understanding the nationalistic fervor during the event, I suggest that the mass festive rally functions as a "social performance." In these performances, Korean nationalism, conjoined with global desire, was reconfigured through spontaneous gatherings, styles, fashions, expressions, and gestures. Like its theatrical counterparts, the World Cup rally insists on Korean-ness as what qualifies South Korea to be a global player. I conclude by offering the concept, "global fetishism," to explicate the complex and even contradictory assimilation of the national into the global in these performances. They are showcases for how globalization taps into the local rhetoric of development, charged by South Korea's inherent nationalism. If for South Korea "global" is synonymous with glamorous cultural success, in each context it is precisely the return to the local which permits global fetishism. / text

This thesis explores social and political identities in Choson Korea between the years 1567 and 1637, particularly during the Imjin War (1592-1598) and the Manchu Invasions (1627 and 1636-1637). During the Imjin War, the Japanese caused widespread destruction over the entire Korean peninsula and the Ming army entered the country. The Later Jin briefly invaded in 1627 and launched a large scale invasion in 1636. The Manchus overran Choson's feeble defenses and forced Choson to become a vassal state of the Qing Empire. Scholars are at odds over the form of socio-political identity during this period of foreign invasion. Some claim these wars created the 'Korean nation' for the first time, while others contend that no such socio-political concepts could have existed before the twentieth century. However, researchers often use the same philosophical approaches and merely select aspects of certain theorists' frameworks that best support their arguments. Both the theories and historian's methodologies are limited in their explanation of socio-political identity of the premodern Korean past and even more so for the time of the Imjin and Manchu Invasions. My research attempts to solve these theoretical problems by creating a 'fusion of horizons' between past and modern concepts of socio-political identity in order to explore the political and cultural environments of the Choson people before and during the wars (bildung). This is achieved firstly by relying on official government histories and individually written diaries that, together, create a more complete picture of former socio-political identity. Secondly, I propose understanding Choson by looking at the definitions of the king, state, people, culture, history, and foreign world using their own definitions from their own times.