This thesis is an investigation into the concept of citizenship, or, more precisely, the core concept of citizenship. It attempts to show how certain key debates within citizenship theory can (and should) be framed once the core concept has been clarified. Its central claim is that citizenship is primarily an institutional relationship between an individual and the laws and organs of government to whose authority she is subject. All other 'aspects', 'dimensions', 'senses', or conceptions of citizenship, should be oriented in relationship to this core meaning. Understanding citizenship as primarily an institutional relationship affects how we should approach a number of issues in citizenship theory. The first issue I consider has to do with the limits of both citizenship theory and the extension of citizenship in practice. Specifically, can the conceptual category of citizenship apply to non-human animals, or, indeed, for animals to be citizens in sense that is substantively on par with human citizens? I next consider what the core concept tells us about the moral aspect of citizenship and the relationship between co-citizens. I ask whether one's membership in a morally bounded community could be either necessary or sufficient for a kind of citizenship, and whether citizens owe each other special obligations qua citizens. Finally I ask who might have a moral claim to citizenship in a given state. I consider the possible moral claims a person might have to each of citizenship's two primary elements - what I call democratic membership (i.e. to be included in the demos of a democratically governed polity), and basic membership (i.e. the rights to live and work within the territory of a polity). The first sort of claim brings us into contact with the debate over what is known as the 'democratic boundary problem', while the second leads us to consider the practice of 'birthright ascription'.

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This thesis demonstrates that by redefining the notion of nationhood and by treating nations and national minorities equally with respect to self-determination, it is possible to formulate basic principles of the international legal system, which would promote territorial integrity and stability of multinational states better than the existing system. I demonstrate that theories dealing with self-determination based solely on human rights or cases of secession address the problem with inadequate tools. I also show that minority-rights approaches do not accommodate self-determination claims of national groups properly. / I offer a new idea of nationhood as a political culture of self-determination with which people self-identify. It includes beliefs about co-nationals' mutual membership in a political community, which is perceived by them as having a self-determining power. Definitions of nationhood which use the notion of culture, but not political culture, are both too inclusive---they fail to distinguish between national and ethnic groups, and too exclusive---they overlook multicultural nations. / Contested secession has received much attention in recent scholarship. Since, however, contested secession is based upon the disagreement of two or more national groups concerning their self-determination within particular boundaries, I consider secession within the scope of a systematic approach to the regulation of relations among national groups. I propose that international legal principles should be based upon the recognition of states and national groups as the two basic elements of the international system, and the equal recognition of nations as political cultures of self-determination. I interpret self-determination as a claim to equality within the boundaries a multinational state, and formulate a criterion of minimal justice for states. It requires that states respect equality of self-determination of national groups on their territory. National groups can secede from multinational states either by mutual agreement, or if their they are persistently denied a status with respect to self-determination equal to that of other national groups.

Thesis (doctorat)--Université de Paris, 1923. / Includes bibliographical references. Also issued in microfiche.

Thesis (S.J.D.)--Faculty of Law, University of Sydney, 2003. / Title from title screen (viewed 21st January, 2009) Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the Faculty of Law, University of Sydney. Bibliography: leaves 356-396. Also available in print form.

Thesis--Toulouse, 1914. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [227]-232).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--York University, 2002. Graduate Programme in Philosophy. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 240-266). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/yorku/fullcit?pNQ82825.

Thesis, Toulouse, 1914. / Bibliography: p.[227]-232.

info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

<p>La thèse aborde les interrogations, les positions de principe, les ambitions et les réalisations bien plus modestes de la diplomatie belge, en interaction avec les milieux politiques et une partie de la société du temps, quant à la question des nationalités en Europe centrale, orientale et balkanique (1918-1924). Les sept pays retenus sont la Pologne, la Tchécoslovaquie, l’Autriche, la Hongrie, la Yougoslavie, la Roumanie et la Bulgarie.<p>Par question des nationalités, il faut entendre trois aspects indissociables :la question de la modification des frontières dans cette partie du Vieux Continent (disparition des empires au profit des Etats précités), celle des territoires disputés entre lesdits Etats et enfin celle des minorités nationales.<p>Pour expliquer les différentes postures de chacun, l’étude envisage une multitude de facteurs de politique intérieure ou extérieure, principalement les peurs du socialisme et du séparatisme, mais aussi la question des rapports des individus (psychologie) et des groupes (cercles de connaissances, partis,…).<p> / Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished