Researchers have consistently shown that as a society, we have failed to protect a large number of Aboriginal children and youths from violence and aggression across multiple contexts. Aboriginal children and youth are at a disproportionate risk of being involved in violent victimization ranging from homicides, family violence, and physical and sexual abuse compared to the rest of Canadian children and youth. However, the extent to which Aboriginal children and youths are involved in bullying remain largely unknown. In the present study, data from a Canadian population-based study was used to examine ethnic and sex differences in children’s and youths’ involvement of different forms of bullying (general, physical, verbal, social). Participants were categorized into three broad ethnic groups: Aboriginal, Caucasian, and ethnic minority. Results indicated that across the forms of bullying, Aboriginal children and youths were more frequently involved than their non Aboriginal peers. Sex differences also emerged, such that, Aboriginal boys were more frequently physically victimized than their non Aboriginal, same sex peers while no ethnic group differences were found for girls. The results highlight the need for an Aboriginal-specific bullying policy and specialized programs and services at school to support this vulnerable group of Canadian school-aged children.

The main purpose of this study was to determine if Aboriginal people prefer goals of education that reflect an Aboriginal or Western perspective in education. In order to do this Aboriginal goals of education first had to be compiled. This study also investigated perspective differences within the Aboriginal community itself. The sub-categories of people in this study were: i) generational (age) differences; ii) level of education differences; and iii) gender differences.<p>The study was conducted in the Aboriginal communities of La Ronge, Montreal Lake and Timber Bay, Saskatchewan. Fifteen respondents were of Cree ancestry. One respondent was of Dene ancestry. There were eight men and eight women. The respondents were asked to rank a mix of Aboriginal goals of education and Saskatchewan Education goals of education. They were then interviewed to ascertain the reason(s) for their choices. The ranking exercise and the interview were equally important features of this study.<p> It was concluded that Aboriginal people would choose Aboriginal goals of education when given the opportunity. The reasons for their choices seem to be rooted in their past experiences and their hopes that their children will have a culturally more beneficial andsuccessful experience. It was also concluded that a Western perspective in education has not completely been discounted.

This study was based on the premise that Aboriginal students possess valuable knowledge and insights with regard to factors leading to their educational success. This study was qualitative research using a narrative approach in the form of sharing circles. It was a study of factors five female Aboriginal high school students, who anticipated graduating in June 2002, identified as contributing to their success in school. Traditionally, researchers have focused on factors contributing to the failure of Aboriginal students in high school. Their analysis have proven futile in decolonizing and reconstructing conventional education.<p>The purpose of this study was to give students a voice in their education and in this voice, identify factors which contributed to their success. The data gathered through the collective voice of the students will assist educators and parents in challenging the educational system to satisfy the needs of all students, Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal. The unexpected composition of five female participants allowed the study to touch on issues facing Aboriginal women in school. These factors included the strong support of family, the nurturing roles that that engenders in them and their desire to bear children in the future, and the wish to break the cycle of social assistance by obtaining an education.<p>The information collected in the sharing circles was analyzed from a traditional medicine wheel framework. The themes and sub-themes, which developed from the data, created the elements of a medicine wheel which will bring balance and harmony to the educational system. The participants identified a strong inner support system characterized by goals and the search for a gift. The strength of their inner being fueled their will to succeed.<p>Their volition was further strengthened by factors found within the four realms of the medicine wheel: spiritual, emotional, physical, mental. The students identified spirituality as a combination of Aboriginal and Catholic teachings. This was characteristic of a new social environment which taught a freedom to live within two ideals of spirituality. In the emotional realm the students identified family, friends and development of self-identity as factors contributing to their success. The physical realm outlined the role multiculturalism had in the school, support programs played in making success a reality, and drug and alcohol avoidance had in their ability to succeed. The participants described Aboriginal teacher support, an engaging curriculum, and a grade twelve diploma as factors leading to success in the mental realm. Overwhelmingly, the factor most effecting the educational success of the participants was the teacher. All of the students described the positive and negative effect teachers had on their education. The teacher who supported the students in the four realms of the medicine wheel encouraged success in the classroom. The teachers who did not support the students provided a roadblock to success which the students overcame with perseverance and determination.<p>The study suggests the need for future research in the area of Aboriginal and non Aboriginal success factors. Many factors identified within this study indicates a strong commonality between the needs of Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal students in school. An examination of this type would serve to deconstruct the degree of difference assigned between students of different ethnic backgrounds. The data provided calls for more research on the relationships of Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal teachers within schools. Lastly, the data provided by the students strongly indicates administrators must work to prepare teachers to be more supportive to student needs.<p>This study provides some insights for educators, parents and administrators. Unfortunately the students, who are the most important part of the study, can only share their collective voice. The real work of transforming the educational system to meet the needs of Aboriginal students must come from educators, parents and administrators.

The purpose of this exploratory and descriptive study was to understand the experience of disability from the perspective of Aboriginal adults and the meaning they give to the importance of sport in their communities. The experiences of 3 Aboriginal adults with physical disabilities were captured using the phenomenological methods of one-on-one interviews, artifact collection, and field notes. The co-participants were provided the opportunity for collaboration at each research stage, from clarifying the purpose to finalizing and interpreting the emerging themes, in an effort to demonstrate sensitivity and respect for their Aboriginal culture, beliefs, and community. The conceptual framework utilized was the minority group model, which provided a framework for interpreting the sport experiences of the co-participants. The thematic analysis and interpretation of the findings facilitated by the co-participants revealed four themes: (a) we have to get out first, (b) not being a priority, (c) pride through accomplishments, and (d) the gift to grab others. We Have to Get Out First expressed the co-participants feelings that persons with disabilities were somewhat invisible in their rural Aboriginal communities as they did not venture far from their homes. The second theme, Not Being a Priority, recognized the lack of sport opportunities for people with disabilities. However, according to the third theme, Pride through Accomplishments, for these co-participants it was their involvement in their Aboriginal community and sport that gave them a sense of self-worth and dignity. The final theme, The Gift to Grab Others, empowered them to share the richness of their experiences with other Aboriginal people with disabilities. The results reflected the need to educate and build awareness of sport opportunities for Aboriginal people with disabilities. Furthermore, the co-participants expressed the need to encourage and support people with disabilities to get out of their homes and become active, visible members of society.

Aboriginal Canadians (First Nations, Métis, and Inuit) have the highest prevalence of overweight and obesity compared to other ethnic groups in Canada. In order to assess the evolution of the problem over time and to understand potential risk factors, three studies were conducted using nationally-representative survey data. Direct comparisons between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal Canadians from the same surveys provide important perspectives on the magnitude of health disparities that cannot be obtained by small regional studies that dominate the current available literature. Body mass index (BMI) trajectories from 1994 to 2009 were estimated for Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal Canadians. Aboriginal Canadians experienced higher rates of BMI increase over the 14-year period between 1994 and 2009. Rate of BMI increase was specifically higher for Aboriginal adults born in the 1960s and 1970s when compared with non-Aboriginal adults, and later-born cohorts had consistently higher BMI compared with earlier-born cohorts. The role of potentially modifiable lifestyle factors in obesity among Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal youth was also investigated. Compared to non-Aboriginal youth, consumption of fruits/vegetables and dairy products was lower, and more Aboriginal youth were "high" TV watchers. Physical activity participation did not differ between "high" and "low" TV watchers for both groups, and was associated with lowered odds for obesity only among Aboriginal youth. The complex relationship between obesity and socioeconomic status for Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal Canadians was explored. Employment status was strongly and negatively associated with obesity among Aboriginal men and women. Aboriginal men of high socioeconomic status (SES) were most likely to be obese, whereas Aboriginal women of high SES were least likely to be obese. Important descriptive and analytical information on an emerging and serious public health issue among Aboriginal people in Canada can inform the design and planning of intervention programs and development of public health strategies targeted at obesity.

Aboriginal peoples are the fastest growing population in Canada (Statistics Canada, 2008). Over half of the Aboriginal population is under the age of 24 and, according to Human Resources and Skills Development Canada (2008), Aboriginal young adults are two to three times more likely to be unemployed than their non-Aboriginal counterparts. Although well defined statistically, little is known about the career-related experiences of Aboriginal young adults. The study addresses the question: “What are the career-related experiences of Aboriginal young adults living in an urban setting?” The study employed a narrative inquiry method to explore the work-life narratives of five Aboriginal young women living in Toronto. The results of this study identified three metathemes that were evident across participant interviews: carer journey, community and importance of education. This study describes implications of the results on employment supports, education and government policy while identifying areas for future research.

Aboriginal peoples are the fastest growing population in Canada (Statistics Canada, 2008). Over half of the Aboriginal population is under the age of 24 and, according to Human Resources and Skills Development Canada (2008), Aboriginal young adults are two to three times more likely to be unemployed than their non-Aboriginal counterparts. Although well defined statistically, little is known about the career-related experiences of Aboriginal young adults. The study addresses the question: “What are the career-related experiences of Aboriginal young adults living in an urban setting?” The study employed a narrative inquiry method to explore the work-life narratives of five Aboriginal young women living in Toronto. The results of this study identified three metathemes that were evident across participant interviews: carer journey, community and importance of education. This study describes implications of the results on employment supports, education and government policy while identifying areas for future research.

Socioeconomic status and Aboriginal cultural status are believed to be key risk indicators of mental health status in youth.<p>The main purpose of the study was to explore the role of Aboriginal cultural status as an independent risk indicator associated with depressed mood after controlling for other covariates; including socioeconomic status. <p>Methods<br> A population based cross sectional survey was used. Every student in grades 5-8 in Saskatoon was asked to complete a short self-report questionnaire in their classroom in February of 2007. Depressed mood was measured with a validated depression scale (CES-D-12).<p>Results<br> In total, 4093 adolescents completed the study questionnaire. For youth whose parents were of Aboriginal cultural status, the prevalence rate of moderate or severe depressed mood was 21.6% in comparison to 8.9% for youth whose parents were Caucasian (RR=2.43; 95% CI 1.92-3.08).<p> In the final adjusted multivariate logistic regression model, moderate or severe depressed mood was more likely to be associated with female gender (OR=1.665; 95% CI 1.179-2.352), having low self esteem (OR=3.185; 95% CI 2.084-4.870), feeling like an outsider at school (OR=3.364; 95% CI 2.386-4.743), being bullied within the past year (OR=1.879; 95% CI 1.278-2.761), alcohol usage (OR=2.518; 95% CI 1.730-3.666), high levels of anxiety (OR=22.171; 95% CI 14.170-34.960), suicide ideation (OR=3.734; 95% CI 2.502-5.572), being hungry some or most of the time (OR=2.071; 95% CI 1.357-3.162) and parents having a lower education status (OR=1.503; 95% CI 1.066-2.120). Although Aboriginal cultural status was strongly associated with moderate or severe depressed mood after cross tabulation and stratification, Aboriginal cultural status was not associated with higher levels of depressed mood after full adjustment for other covariates in the final multivariate model (OR= 1.132; 95% CI 0.682-1.881).<p>Conclusions<br>The results demonstrate that Aboriginal cultural status has a more limited and statistically non-significant association with moderate or severe depressed mood in youth after controlling for other covariates. There is a need to transfer the results of this research to the Saskatoon community to allow policy makers and the public at large to know that prevention of disparity in mental health is possible because the determinants of mental health (i.e., education) are now modifiable (in comparison to Aboriginal cultural status).

This project paper discusses the Cree mythology present in Tomson Highways <i>Kiss of the Fur Queen</i>. I contend that Highways conflation of the two mythological characters, Weesageechak and Weetigo, in the figure of the Fur Queen allows the dramatization of the interaction and confrontation between the aboriginal culture and colonizing culture. Through careful attention to imagistic references to the Cree Weetigo tradition, I contend that the Fur Queen is a complex metaphorical representation of the complicated reality faced by Highways characters. Through the Fur Queen, Weesageechak, the trickster, acts as a positive figure overseeing the success of her Aboriginal charges, while the cannibal Weetigo aspects of the Fur Queen represent the negative impacts and dangers faced by her charges within and from the colonizing Euro-Canadian culture.

By way of a series of narrative oral histories, focus group and interviews with Aboriginal Elders, this thesis examines the everyday resistance of Aboriginal women to dehumanization by government agencies. The dehumanization of these Aboriginal women occurs when they are denied their basis human rights guaranteed in the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Dehumanization is manifest as the denial of basic subsistence needs, poor treatment in the form of abuse, harassment and discrimination, and the denial of self-determination. Dehumanization is met with resistance in an attempt to restore humanity. Everyday forms of resistance are small acts of daily personal resistance which do not usually challenge the prevailing social order. They are based upon a complex subaltern ideology expressed in private transcripts which are usually hidden from the dominant group. Aboriginal women use the private transcripts as the ideological basis for at least three forms of everyday resistance: direct, indirect and hidden. With direct resistance the private transcript emerges, with indirect resistance a third-party mediates the emergence of partial private transcript and with hidden resistance the private transcript remains hidden. Aboriginal woman also base their resistance on a reciprocal relationship of empowerment between themselves and their communities which becomes more powerful as they age. The increase in the quality of the reciprocal communityindividual empowerment leads to evolution in the quality of everyday resistance strategies, from relatively inefficient emotion-based reactions to more efficient and well-developed strategies.