This paper is a summary of the methods and key results of my analysis of 7,997 sherds from 14 sites in Beef Basin, Utah. I discuss physical attributes of the collection, the results of mean ceramic dating, the results of neutron activation analysis, and the results of refiring a sample of nips in an oxidizing atmosphere. I briefly summarize the architecture at each site , as well as possible Fremont cultural material found in and near Beef Basin. I conclude that Beef Basin was likely occupied in the early Pueblo III period and that the occupation was sudden and brief. I determined that paste color can be used as a general indicator of clay procurement locale north of the Abajo Mountains, just as it is in the Comb Ridge vicinity (Glowacki et al. 2015), that there was ceramic production in Beef Basin using local materials, and that the people of Beef Basin had similar connections as, or connections with the east of the Comb Ridge area, as evinced by similar sources for light-paste ceramics found in both areas.

This paper is a summary of the methods and key results of my analysis of 7,997 sherds from 14 sites in Beef Basin, Utah. I discuss physical attributes of the collection, the results of mean ceramic dating, the results of neutron activation analysis, and the results of refiring a sample of nips in an oxidizing atmosphere. I briefly summarize the architecture at each site , as well as possible Fremont cultural material found in and near Beef Basin. I conclude that Beef Basin was likely occupied in the early Pueblo III period and that the occupation was sudden and brief. I determined that paste color can be used as a general indicator of clay procurement locale north of the Abajo Mountains, just as it is in the Comb Ridge vicinity (Glowacki et al. 2015), that there was ceramic production in Beef Basin using local materials, and that the people of Beef Basin had similar connections as, or connections with the east of the Comb Ridge area, as evinced by similar sources for light-paste ceramics found in both areas.

Previous research in the Northern San Juan Region of the American Southwest has revealed a pattern of change in subsistence patterns from the Basketmaker II through Pueblo III periods. Jonathan C. Driver describes the pattern as: cottontail in Basketmaker III (500 to 750 CE) and Pueblo I (750 to 900 CE), deer in Pueblo II (900 to 1150 CE), and turkey in Pueblo III (1150 to 1350 CE). The transition from deer to turkey as the main subsistence has been recorded at several sites throughout the Northern San Juan Region and is thought to be caused by the overhunting of deer and increasing social strain. This combination is theorized to have caused the domestication of turkey as a last resort. Analysis conducted on faunal remains and eggshell recovered during excavation at Coal Bed Village by Brigham Young University et al. supports part of this pattern. Evidence of ritual display is evident in Basketmaker III and early Pueblo II contexts, with evidence of ritual or communal feasting in the early Pueblo II period. The rest of the assemblage appears to be domestic refuse. When compared to other large sites within the Montezuma Canyon, Coal Bed Village appears to have greater access to small artiodactyl throughout each of the periods. Contrary to expectations, adult turkey appears to have been eaten in the Basketmaker III, early Pueblo II, and Pueblo III periods. SEM analysis on turkey eggshell from each of these periods suggests that turkeys were domesticated since the Basketmaker III period, with the fresh eggs used as a protein supplement to the Puebloan diet throughout each of the periods. Changes to the amount of embryonic development suggest that, as the periods progressed, the Puebloans continued to use fresh eggs, but also increased the amount of eggs that developed to hatching.