Au Congo Brazzaville s'est développé, depuis les Trois Glorieuses (13, 14 et 15 août 1963), un espace littéraire très créatif. La plupart de ses écrivains, et particulièrement les romanciers, sont (ont été) engagés, à des titres et à des niveaux divers, dans la vie politique effective de leur pays. Une approche sociocritique des romans congolais à partir des microlectures, dans une perspective intertextuelle, fait émerger la politique comme un moule structurateur de la plupart des fictions. L'analyse du contexte du roman congolais à thématique politique en révèle des particularités (1ère partie). Cette contextualisation permet de comprendre pourquoi le référent politique est si envahissant dans la fiction romanesque congolaise. La thématisation de la politique (2ème partie) comme sujet, motif ou topos permet une meilleure appréhension des univers imaginaires. La représentation des indépendances, des révolutions et de la vie sociale éclaire les complexes rapports entre le scribe et le prince. Les personnages des fictions se positionnent par rapport aux pouvoirs institués comme des révoltés, des révolutionnaires ou des collaborateurs. En général, ils dénoncent le vécu quotidien dans la dissidence et le refus du statu quo. Toute une rhétorique du politique ressort du traitement que les auteurs font de ce dernier (3èmepartie), et met en évidence une politique de l'écriture, à savoir des stratégies d'expression des univers politiques. Sont ainsi utilisés: le masquage par l'anthroponymie et la toponymie, le surgissement d'univers étranges (magique, merveilleux, carnavalesque, onirique, etc.) dans la trame narrative, ainsi que le recours à un langage crypté. Les postures pour dire le politique varient selon les écrivains. Qu'ils participent au pouvoir ou non, et du fait de leurs appartenance à la phratrie, tous se retrouvent en Congolie, contrée imaginaire libérée, et déclarent leurs « rêves du changement », ou leur aspirations à un mieux vivre ensemble, rendu de façon originale par Henri Djombo dans Lumières des temps perdus. Les fictions s'interrogent sur le politique, mais aussi et surtout sur l'acte d'écrire et sa finalité. Les textes posent ainsi une large problématique : la rencontre des champs politique et littéraire, la difficulté de l'écrivain à dire la politique en pays de dictature, ou le statut des valeurs. / In Congo Brazzaville, beginning from the Three Glorious 13th, 14th and 15th August 1963, there developed a very creative literary space. Most of its writers, especially as concerns the novelists, are (have been) committed, by titles and diverse levels, to the political life of their country. From a socio-critical perspective of Congolese novels using micro-lectures, from an intertextual perspective, brings out politics as a structuring mould for most fiction. An analysis of the context of the Congolese novel, with politics as a thematic concern reveals a number of particularities (Part 1). Putting things to context in this manner allows for understanding why the political referent permeates romanistic Congolese fiction. Thematizing politics (Part 2), as subject, motive or topos allows for a better understanding of imaginary universes. The representation of independences, of revolutions and of social life brings light to the complex relationships between the scribe and the prince. Characters in fictions position themselves in revolt to institutionalized powers, as revolutionaries or as collaborators. Generally, they denounce the day to day experience in dissidence and reject the status quo. An entire political rhetoric springs forth from the treatment which the authors give to the latter (Part 3) and establishes a writing policy, namely, strategies of political expression. Here employed are: masking by anthroponomy and toponymy, the cropping up of strange universes, (magic, the sublime, carnival, imaginary, etc) in the plot as well as making use of crypt language. Postures of political expression differ with writers. Whether they participate in power or not, and from the fact of their belonging to the phratry, all find themselves in Congolie, the imaginary liberated territory and declare their « Dream for Change » or their aspirations to a better communal life, rendered in an original manner by Henri Djombo in Lumières des temps perdus. The fictions dwell on politics, but also, and especially on the act of writing and its finality. In this wise, the texts pose a large statement of the problem: the meeting of political and literary spheres, the difficulty of the writer to express political issues in a dictator nation or the statutes of values.

This study of Norfolk and Bedfordshire in the civil war and Interregnum was based on an analysis of the membership of the various committees appointed for the counties between December 1642 and March 1660. The members of the committees were divided into groups for analysis according to the dates of their first and last appointments. The gentry of Norfolk and Bedfordshire, which were both Parliamentarian counties, filled the committees of the 1640s, as they had the commissions of the peace in the 1630s. After the execution of the King in January'' 1649, the membership of the Bedfordshire committees was drastically changed by the loss of almost all the gentry members, while the Norfolk committees remained largely unchanged until I65I-I652. The difference between the counties was traced to the displacement of the secluded MPs- from the committees; the probably voluntary withdrawal of the Bedfordshire gentry; the weaker and more fluid gentry community and the greater penetration of radical political and religious ideas in Bedfordshire. Throughout the 1650s, Bedfordshire was administered by people new to county office, of lower social rank and more radical opinions than their gentry predecessors• Similar new people became important in Norfolk after I65I, but they did not replace the gentry, who retained their role and influence. In late 1659 and early 1660, the gentry in both counties returned to sole control of local government, displacing the new officials of the 1650s. A similar pattern in the type of committeemen was observed in both counties: the committeemen appointed before 1649 and in 1660 were of the same social rank as those holding county office before 1640, but the committeemen appointed for the first time I649-I656 were of markedly lower social origins. It was noted that in Bedfordshire, and to a much lesser extent in Norfolk, these new officials of the 1650s proved a viable alternative administration to the traditional gentry elite. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

Following the Glorious Revolution in 1688, the British North American colonies interpreted Parliament's success in removing arbitrary governmental practices and establishing a balanced government as a victory for local representative government. Within these colonies, merchants secured their influence in local government in order to protect their profits and trade networks. The New England merchants that resettled in Nova Scotia in the 1750s successfully established a local government founded upon their rights as British subjects. The attempt by the British government to centralize the imperial administration in 1763 and the perceived threat of reintroducing arbitrary rule by Parliament was a direct threat to the colonial governmental system. Although Nova Scotia chose loyalism in 1775-1776, this decision did not stem from isolation or a differing political philosophy. In fact, it was their cultural and political similarities that led Nova Scotia and New England to separate paths in 1776. Nova Scotia merchants controlling the Assembly were able to confront and defeat attempts that threatened their influence in local politics and on the local economy. With the threat to their authority defeated and new markets opening for the colony, the Nova Scotia merchant class was able to preserve the status quo in local government.

Submitted by Ricardo Cedraz Duque Moliterno (ricardo.moliterno@uefs.br) on 2016-03-08T23:55:18Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTA??OTiagoOliveiraComFicha.pdf: 615541 bytes, checksum: a43270c6b019b6fb7544fb3b894c858f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-08T23:55:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTA??OTiagoOliveiraComFicha.pdf: 615541 bytes, checksum: a43270c6b019b6fb7544fb3b894c858f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-28 / This dissertation had as study object the thesis, programmatic formulations and the history of the Revolutionary Marxist Organization Workers Policy (1961-1967). The main thrust of these initial union militants Polop was the criticism of the position of the Communist Party of Brazil, the prospect of a socialist revolution in Brazil and are in favor of independence of the working class. The objective of this research was to analyze the paths taken by Polop in the formulation of their main theses and changes elapsed throughout its history, especially after the civil-military coup of 1964. / Esta disserta??o teve como objeto de estudos as teses, formula??es program?ticas e a hist?ria da Organiza??o Revolucion?ria Marxista Pol?tica Oper?ria (1961-1967). Os principais eixos de uni?o destes militantes iniciais da Polop foi a cr?tica ? posi??o do Partido Comunista do Brasil, a perspectiva de uma revolu??o socialista para o Brasil e sua posi??o favor?vel a independ?ncia de classe dos trabalhadores. O objetivo desta pesquisa foi analisar os caminhos percorridos pela Polop na formula??o de suas principais teses e as mudan?as decorridas ao longo de sua hist?ria, especialmente ap?s o golpe civil-militar de 1964.

This dissertation examines various texts that were published in Mexican newspapers during the Revolution (1910-1917) and attempts to determine to what extent the authors of those texts combined journalism with literary creativity as they wrote about the Revolution. The main argument is that many of the texts that appeared in newspapers during the 1910s and covered topics related to the Revolution displayed language, style, and structural elements similar to those found in the official literary narratives of the Mexican Revolution that emerged in the 1920s. The argument is founded on the understanding that sociopolitical and ideological changes in Mexican society, as well as the desire for a new national literature, led intellectuals to re-classify some of the texts that appeared in newspapers in the 1910s from journalism to literary works and adopted their stylistic and thematic elements for the new literature. This is evident in Mariano Azuela’s novel, Los de Abajo and Ricardo Flores Magón’s well-known short stories “Dos revolucionarios” and “El apóstol.” The theoretical framework of this study is informed by the work of Mikhail Bakhtin, Tzvetan Todorov, and Juan Carlos Parazuelos that contend that the value of a narrative changes continuously in response to changes in the society that creates it. Furthermore, the study utilizes Anibal Gonzalez’ notion that there is a gray area between literary narrative and journalism and, therefore, narratives that fall inside the borders of journalism and literature can be classified as one or another or both depending how they interact with social elites, governments, and political affiliations. Finally, this study maintains that journalism, in combination with artistic expression, provided the foundations upon which the later narrative of the Revolution began its development. It was in the realm of journalism that the authors first applied the elements of brevity, direct speech, expressive, yet concise language, episodic narration, and emphasis on action over description and characterization that characterize the literature of the Mexican Revolution.

<div> <p> This dissertation examines medical representations, or what I call “fiction medicine,” in post-1949 Chinese literature and film. It is not uncommon to evaluate whether medical facts are scientifically portrayed in literary and cinematic works. Insightful and reasonable as this method is, the interpretation of relevant descriptions from a single medical perspective tends to exclude what may be labeled as misrepresentations from scholarly attention. Therefore, without judging the value of fiction medicine in accordance with scientific standards, this dissertation analyzes how and why medical (mis)representations are formed in the way they are shown, which allows me to unearth those factors, such as politics, international relations, ideology, and the like, that exert considerable influence on the construction of medical landscape in cultural works. </p> <p> By exploring the interaction between representations and medicine under the Chinese revolutionary context, I argue that during the socialist period (1949-78), while revolutionary concerns tightly regulated the writing of fiction medicine to consolidate the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)’s rule, the production of fiction medicine was not always monolithic, containing tensions and even resistances against the prevailing ideology. I also argue that, after 1978, although socialist fiction medicine was deconstructed in many ways, some remnants of its legacies have kept influencing contemporary literary and cinematic imaginations. Based on my main arguments, I will further explore why some socialist legacies were preserved and remained influential while others were abandoned as reminders of the past. I suggest that this phenomenon was highly related to the shifting goals of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in the post-1978 political, ideological, and economic reorientation.</p> </div> <br>

Background It is believed that the fourth industrial revolution (4IR) will bring about unprecedented change to the world, ultimately having such a deep impact that some argue it may change human life at its core. It is believed that many organisations will not survive the radical disruption that will ensue. On the contrary, some authors have argued that the 4IR will bring about many benefits and opportunities for organisations, as with previous revolutions, provided it is managed effectively by business leaders. Rationale for the research study There is a growing consensus that existing leadership styles and management practices may not be suitable for organisational performance for the 4IR. It has, therefore, been suggested that different theories, models or approaches to leadership will be required if organisations are to remain competitive and sustainably successful in a business context that will look very different to what leaders have been accustomed to. It is argued here that Leadership 4.0 and innovative management practices, may have merit in this context. Aim of the study This present study was an exploratory attempt to investigate the relationship between Leadership 4.0, innovative management practices and organisational performance capabilities for the 4IR. For the purposes of this study, 1) a range of leadership theories/models/approaches/styles, including Transactional Leadership, Transformational Leadership and Leadership 4.0; 2) innovative management practices, including human resource management, organising and information sharing, risk management and stakeholder management as they compare to the old and new economy; and 3) organisational performance capabilities, including human capital, digital risk management and business model value creation were investigated. Research Design, Sampling and realised sample An exploratory research design was followed, utilising a mixed method approach. A crosssectional approach was taken to data collection, with a composite questionnaire designed for the purpose of this study utilised to collect data. A realised sample of n=61 respondents, mainly 4 from local, privately owned, knowledge-intensive organisations was obtained using a convenience sampling approach. Statistical analyses Pearson correlation and hierarchical multiple regression were utilised to estimate the relationships among the abovementioned constructs. Mediation analyses utilising the PROCESS macro was employed to test whether the relationship between Leadership 4.0 and organisational performance capabilities was mediated through innovative management practices. Results Statistically significant positive relationships were found between Leadership 4.0, Innovative Management Practices and Organisational Performance Capabilities. A regression model indicated that Leadership styles statistically significantly predicted the most variance in Organisational Performance Capabilities. Results further determined that Transactional Leadership explained a unique variance in risk management and digital risk management. Lastly, the test for mediation indicated that innovative management practices partially mediated the relationship between Leadership 4.0 and organisational performance capabilities. Findings: Findings from the results supported various discussions and studies in the literature and in practice that leadership, specifically Leadership 4.0, is an important element to navigating the uncertainties and challenges presented by the 4IR. Further evidence was also found in support of contingent leadership theories. Managerial Implications The findings of the present research study holds a practical implication for organisations in that the findings support the literature suggesting that leadership is a key element in organisational performance capabilities, specifically for survival and sustainability for the 4IR. The findings further contributes to a growing body of knowledge surrounding the 4IR, leadership, innovative management practices and organisational performance fields of research.

The issue of Ukrainian EU membership was highlighted during the 2013-2014 Revolution of Dignity, when Ukrainians emerged on to the streets to protest against then-President Yanukovych’s refusal to sign his country’s Association Agreement with the European Union. Since then, the country has started moving closer to Europe, seemingly as supported by a majority of its population. Meanwhile, Russia has occupied Crimea, and there is a war in the Donbas region of the East. The thesis argues that there are no major regional differences when it comes to attitudes towards the European Union in Ukraine. Some differences could be noted in the South relating to the participants’ attitudes toward Ukrainian independence and travels to non-communist countries during the Soviet era, but this had no apparent connection to attitudes towards the Ukrainian state and the European Union today. Overall, the participants were positive to EU membership for Ukraine, as well as NATO membership, and to these organisations overall. The desire to join NATO seems to be out of a desire to obtain hard security against Russia, and the desire to join the EU seems to both be because of the symbolic value for Ukraine’s status as a ‘truly’ European country, as well as for the developmental benefits.