Thesis--Jāmiʻat ʻAyn Shams. / "Organization of African Unity in brief": p. 845-856. In Arabic. Summary in English. Includes bibliographical references (p. 797-817).

Thesis--Jāmiʻat ʻAyn Shams. / "Organization of African Unity in brief": p. 845-856. In Arabic. Summary in English. Includes bibliographical references (p. 797-817).

Inaug.-Diss.--Cologne. / Summary in German. Vita. Bibliography: p. 114-119.

Text in Afrikaans / In die post-koloniale tydsgewrig was die menseregte-situasie en bestaansomgewing van talle Afrikane die van konflik, korrupsie, onderdrukking, sosiale ongeregtigheid en menseslagting. As kontinentale eenheidsorganisasie het die OAE jare lank in gebreke gebly om die lot van mense in sy ledestate te verbeter. Eers teen die laat-sewentigerjare het die organisasie - hoofsaaklik as gevolg van internasionale druk - begin om werklik aan menseregte aandag te skenk. Die kulminasie hiervan was die Banjoel-handves vir menseregte in 1981. Dit is egter bekend dat die gebeure geen wesenlike verbetering en vordering in die menseregte-gesteldheid in Afrika teweeg gebring het nie. Teen hierdie agtergrond is gepoog om die geskiedenis van menseregte in Afrika en die OAE se rol hieromtrent te ontleed. Samehangend is ondersoek gedoen na die noodsaaklike elemente vir 'n menseregtebedeling op die kontinent - soos dit in der waarheid in die Banjoel-handves ten doel gestel is. Die belangrikste bevindings is onder meer dat * 'n botsing tussen pan-nasionale en nasionale belange in die OAE deurgaans ten diepste veroorsaak het dat die organisasie in gebreke was om die lot van talle Afrikane te verbeter; * die politieke bedelings en "regskultuur" van die afsonderlike Afrika-state tot dusver verhoed het dat die menseregte van die Banjoel-handves sinvol toegepas word; * indien die OAE sy menseregte-standaarde toegepas wil sien, die Afrika-leiers in afsonderlike verband eers daarmee erns moet maak; * gemeenskaplik aanvaarde politieke bedelings en legitieme regerings in Afrika voorwaardelik is vir die verwerkliking van die ideaal van 'n menseregte-bedeling op die kontinent. Sedert die negentigerjare is daar egter tekens wat hoop bied op 'n verbetering in die menseregte-situasie in Afrika. Dit geld veral vir die demokratisering van etlike state en die werksaamhede van die OAE se Menseregte-kommissie. Weens verskeie redes sal die organisasie se taak ten opsigte van menseregte vorentoe egter nie maklik wees nie. Die hoop beskaam egter nie dat die OAE, hoe gering ook al, 'n bydrae kan !ewer om die bestaansomgewing van talle Afrikane te verbeter - mits 'n groter realisme daaroor in die afsonderlike ledestate posvat. / In the post-colonial era the human rights situation of many Africans was one of conflict, repression, social injustice and bloodshed. For years the OAU failed to improve the lot of people in its member states. It was only during the late seventies that the OAU - mainly as a result of international pressure - began to pay attention to the principles of human rights. The culmination of this was the Banjul Charter of human rights in 1981. This brought about no real progress or improvement in the human rights situation in Africa, however. Against this background an attempt has been made to analyse the history of human rights in Africa and the role of the OAU in this regard. At the same time the essential elements of a human rights dispensation on this continent - as it has in fact been envisaged by the OAU - have been investigated. The most important findings include the following: * a clash between pan-national and national interests in the OAU was a fundamental reason why this organisation failed to improve the lot of Africans; * the political dispensations and "legal culture" of the African states have thus far prevented the meaningful application of the Banjul charter; * if the OAU wishes to see its human rights standards applied, the African leaders will first have to make serious attempts to do this separately and individually; * commonly accepted political dispensations and legitimate governments will have to be established in the OAU member states before the ideal of a human rights dispensation can become a reality in Africa. Since the nineties there have, however, been signs offering hope for an improvement in the human rights situation in Africa. This applies in particular to the democratisation of numerous states and the activities of the OAU's Human Rights Commission. For various reasons the future task of this organisation in regard to human rights will not be easy. There is hope, however, that the OAU will be able to make some contribution, however slight, to improving the environment of many Africans - provided a greater realism about this matter sets in the respective member states. / Political Sciences / D. Litt. et Phil. (Internasionale Politiek)

No description available.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1965. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 66-68).

Text in Afrikaans / In die post-koloniale tydsgewrig was die menseregte-situasie en bestaansomgewing van talle Afrikane die van konflik, korrupsie, onderdrukking, sosiale ongeregtigheid en menseslagting. As kontinentale eenheidsorganisasie het die OAE jare lank in gebreke gebly om die lot van mense in sy ledestate te verbeter. Eers teen die laat-sewentigerjare het die organisasie - hoofsaaklik as gevolg van internasionale druk - begin om werklik aan menseregte aandag te skenk. Die kulminasie hiervan was die Banjoel-handves vir menseregte in 1981. Dit is egter bekend dat die gebeure geen wesenlike verbetering en vordering in die menseregte-gesteldheid in Afrika teweeg gebring het nie. Teen hierdie agtergrond is gepoog om die geskiedenis van menseregte in Afrika en die OAE se rol hieromtrent te ontleed. Samehangend is ondersoek gedoen na die noodsaaklike elemente vir 'n menseregtebedeling op die kontinent - soos dit in der waarheid in die Banjoel-handves ten doel gestel is. Die belangrikste bevindings is onder meer dat * 'n botsing tussen pan-nasionale en nasionale belange in die OAE deurgaans ten diepste veroorsaak het dat die organisasie in gebreke was om die lot van talle Afrikane te verbeter; * die politieke bedelings en "regskultuur" van die afsonderlike Afrika-state tot dusver verhoed het dat die menseregte van die Banjoel-handves sinvol toegepas word; * indien die OAE sy menseregte-standaarde toegepas wil sien, die Afrika-leiers in afsonderlike verband eers daarmee erns moet maak; * gemeenskaplik aanvaarde politieke bedelings en legitieme regerings in Afrika voorwaardelik is vir die verwerkliking van die ideaal van 'n menseregte-bedeling op die kontinent. Sedert die negentigerjare is daar egter tekens wat hoop bied op 'n verbetering in die menseregte-situasie in Afrika. Dit geld veral vir die demokratisering van etlike state en die werksaamhede van die OAE se Menseregte-kommissie. Weens verskeie redes sal die organisasie se taak ten opsigte van menseregte vorentoe egter nie maklik wees nie. Die hoop beskaam egter nie dat die OAE, hoe gering ook al, 'n bydrae kan !ewer om die bestaansomgewing van talle Afrikane te verbeter - mits 'n groter realisme daaroor in die afsonderlike ledestate posvat. / In the post-colonial era the human rights situation of many Africans was one of conflict, repression, social injustice and bloodshed. For years the OAU failed to improve the lot of people in its member states. It was only during the late seventies that the OAU - mainly as a result of international pressure - began to pay attention to the principles of human rights. The culmination of this was the Banjul Charter of human rights in 1981. This brought about no real progress or improvement in the human rights situation in Africa, however. Against this background an attempt has been made to analyse the history of human rights in Africa and the role of the OAU in this regard. At the same time the essential elements of a human rights dispensation on this continent - as it has in fact been envisaged by the OAU - have been investigated. The most important findings include the following: * a clash between pan-national and national interests in the OAU was a fundamental reason why this organisation failed to improve the lot of Africans; * the political dispensations and "legal culture" of the African states have thus far prevented the meaningful application of the Banjul charter; * if the OAU wishes to see its human rights standards applied, the African leaders will first have to make serious attempts to do this separately and individually; * commonly accepted political dispensations and legitimate governments will have to be established in the OAU member states before the ideal of a human rights dispensation can become a reality in Africa. Since the nineties there have, however, been signs offering hope for an improvement in the human rights situation in Africa. This applies in particular to the democratisation of numerous states and the activities of the OAU's Human Rights Commission. For various reasons the future task of this organisation in regard to human rights will not be easy. There is hope, however, that the OAU will be able to make some contribution, however slight, to improving the environment of many Africans - provided a greater realism about this matter sets in the respective member states. / Political Sciences / D. Litt. et Phil. (Internasionale Politiek)

The purpose of this dissertation is to examine and evaluate the role of the Organization of African Unity as an international organization in the solution of intra-African conflicts. For the purpose of this paper, eight conflicts from 1963 to 1980 were investigated. Utilizing these cases, the paper (a) examines four assumptions: (1) that regional actions promote settlements by isolating soluble local conflicts from more complex ones; (2) that intrastate conflicts are more difficult to resolve by regional organizations than interstate or border disputes; (3) that most of the boundary disputes in Africa are due to the arbitrary colonial boundary demarcations; and (4) that most of the causes of the ineffectiveness in its conflict resolution is as a result of poor administrative set-up, lack of resources, and failure of its commissions to operate effectively; (b) it answered the following questions: (1) Did the O.A.U. stop, help stop, or fail to stop the fighting; (2) Did the O.A.U. settle, help settle, or fail to settle the conflict; and (3) Was there super power intervention, and if so, to what effect? The methodology used is primarily case study method. Most attention is given to the way the O.A.U. handled the conflicts.

No description available.

The formation of the African Union (AU) holds great promise for Africa with regard to development. It also brings a new dimension to human rights in Africa, with the creation of the African Court. However, the OAUs legacy of human rights supervision and the development of democracy lacks in many areas. Europe, however, has manifested itself into an entity capable of trans-border cooperation and has been able to sustain this over a long period of time. What the OAU has accomplished in this regard is not compatible with the current status of international law theory and practise. There is a need then for change in these areas, and what better opportunity is there, than for a new dispensation in regional governance to apply to relevant policies and programmes to effect this change? This dissertation will endeavour to present a study of how the European legacy in Africa worked to the latter's detriment over the past five or six decades since decolonisation. Yet, there are lessons that may be learnt from Europe's unification that can be successfully implemented in Africa. Further, by analysing the weaknesses of Africa's current system of human rights supervision, and rectifying or reforming them, much may be accomplished in the advancement of the system. Therefore reformation of the system will be discussed at length. However, the success of the system will be evidenced by the commitment of its component members. Thus far the status quo in Africa reflects unwillingness on the part of the state to surrender its sovereignty. This was one of the reasons for the impotence of the OAU. Will the AU be able to overcome this condition? The onus remains on the state to shore up their commitments to the treaties which they have ratified, and to deliver on the promises they have made, because there are solutions, and whether or not they are implemented ultimately depends on the AU. / Thesis (LL.M.)-University of Natal, 2003.