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The purpose of this study was to determine whether Army ROTC cadets who enter the Advanced Course differ significantly in certain selected variables from cadets who choose to terminate the ROTC program with the Basic Course. Using theoretical constructs from Schoenherr's and Greeley's (1974) General Role Commitment Model and the Card et al. (1975) ROTC/Army Career Commitment Model, a prediction model was developed for the present study, the ROTC Continuation Model. The ROTC Continuation Model was used to predict ROTC continuation in a single Army ROTC Program. All (803) cadets enrolled in this specific program from school years 1974-75 through 1980-81 and had been eligible to enter the Advanced Course were included in the study. The .05 level of significance was used in analyzing all data.;The first phase of the Model's analysis process, bivariate analysis (chi-square statistics and grouped t-tests), found no significant differences between the two groups of cadets on their sex, academic grade point averages, Cadet Evaluation Battery Subtest II scores, and Scholastic Aptitude Test scores. Significant differences were found between the two groups of cadets with other variables. These findings indicated that the cadet who continued into the Advanced Course was more likely to have enrolled in a smaller military science class, had a higher ROTC class order of merit, have been older, had a higher ROTC grade point average, and higher Cadet Evaluation Battery Subtest VII scores than the cadet who terminated with the Basic Course. The cadet whose father had military experience, and had served in the military for a long period of time was more likely to continue in the ROTC program than the cadet whose father had no military experience, or just a brief period of service. A married, or divorced cadet who had prior JROTC or active military experience, and had entered the ROTC program in his freshman year was more likely to continue in the program than a single cadet without JROTC or active military experience who entered the program in his sophomore, junior or senior year. A Black cadet had a higher probability of continuation than a White cadet. Cadets who had ROTC scholarships and were members of the ROTC Rangers, had higher probabilities of continuation than cadets who did not have these characteristics. Discriminant analysis was used in the second phase of analysis to correctly classify 91.91% of the cadets in the study into their respective continuation groups. Multiple regression analysis identified nine variables which explained 62% of the variance in ROTC continuation.

This study relates the history of The College of William and Mary in Virginia during the first twenty-seven years of the nineteenth century, 1800-1827, and examines the history in terms of the leadership provided for the College for the purpose of determining whether or not the College experienced a loss of leadership during the period of the study. The history is related chronologically through the administrations of President James Madison, 1800-1812; President John Bracken, 1812-1814; President John Augustine Smith, 1814-1826; and President William Holland Wilmer, 1826-1827, and is examined in terms of the leadership experienced by the College during each administration. The study concludes with a summary analysis of the extent to which, if any, the College experienced a loss of leadership during the period 1800-1827. The historical method and principles of historical research were employed in the examination of College papers, manuscript collections, rare books, archival records, and historical documents.;On the basis of her history, one must conclude that the College of William and Mary in Virginia experienced a loss of leadership during the years 1800-1827; yet, at no time during this period did she experience a total loss of leadership. Within the context of the Charter, four entities may be identified as occupying leadership positions: the Chancellor, the Board of Governors and Visitors, the Society, and the President. The position of Chancellor was vacant throughout this period; consequently, the College experienced the loss of whatever leadership this entity may have provided. The other three positions fluctuated in the exercise of their leadership roles: providing no leadership; a coercive leadership; a well-intentioned but misdirected leadership; and a strong, wise, productive leadership, the result of a concerted leadership posture. Two other entities not specifically charged with leadership responsibilities exerted an influence, both positive and negative, on the leadership experienced by the College during the period of this study: the community of Williamsburg and the alumni.

The purpose of this study was to describe and interpret the desegregation process in a southern city through an examination of the issues faced by the local school board and its response to these issues, in order to gain knowledge about the implementation of a federal policy at the local level.;The city of Richmond, Virginia, was chosen for this study because of its former role as capital of the southern Confederacy and its present role as the capital of the state of Virginia, a leader in the South's resistance to the Brown decision. as a city with a large black population, desegregation of schools was a major concern over a twenty-year period of time.;The case study method was used, using primary sources to describe the desegregation process and the Board's role. Some secondary and some primary sources were used to develop the historical background needed to provide a framework for analyzing and interpreting the events from 1954 to 1971. A brief comparison with the desegregation process in San Francisco served to validate the Richmond experience.;It was concluded that the implementation of a federal policy at the local level is affected by a variety of factors. Resistance to the implementation of a policy will be strongest when it is at variance with local traditions and if it threatens the local power structure. Compliance is achieved more readily through strong leadership, widespread support for change, and cooperative efforts among the branches of government to bring about compliance.;Further case studies of the implementation of other federal policies would be valuable in order to see if the conclusions are valid in all circumstances or if they apply only when a sweeping social change, such as desegregation, is called for.

Daniel Boorstin claimed in 1962 that for twentieth-century Americans, "fact or fantasy, the image becomes the thing." The 1980s abound with governors promising education reform in their states, activities underscored by the August 1986 National Governors' Association education report, Time for Results. Thus, the image of the "Education Governor" has become the fashionable "thing." But does fact or fantasy lie beneath the surface of this image? This research probes that question through considering (1) the extent to which specific educational measures proposed in Inaugural and State of the State Addresses of twenty modern-day "Education Governors" correspond with their subsequent actions and (2) the personal attributes, professional ties, and educational involvement which characterize these "Education Governors" of the 1960s through the 1980s.;However, the historical record reveals that the "Education Governor" is not a new phenomenon. During the early 1900s a number of governors gained state and regional as well as national prominence for their outspoken efforts to promote public education. Preeminent among these individuals is Charles Brantley Aycock, still revered as North Carolina's great "Education(al) Governor.".;This "Education Governor" image was projected into modern times through former North Carolina Governor Terry Sanford's invocation of Aycock's legacy. While little consensus exists as to a distinct group of modern "Education Governors," the characteristics of their early twentieth century predecessors suggest that such individuals would espouse educational reform and, consequently, earn nationwide renown. These qualities also should describe governors judged to have been outstanding and who have participated actively in the Education Commission of the States. Twenty governors of the 1960s through 1980s who share such attributes--and, hence became the focus of this study--include Jerry Apodaca; Reubin Askew; Edmund Brown, Sr.; John Chafee; William Clinton; Winfield Dunn; Pierre duPont, IV; Robert Graham; Clifford Hansen; Mark Hatfield; Richard Hughes; James Hunt; Thomas Kean; Tom McCall; Robert McNair; William Milliken; Russell Peterson; Calvin Rampton; Robert Ray; and Terry Sanford.;Ultimately, the rhetoric of these so-called modern "Education Governors" proved congruent with the reality of their actions. All emphasized educational "quality" and "excellence." Nineteen increased direct state expenditures for education at a rate substantially higher than inflation. Thirteen participated in regional or national education organizations, and eight had been involved with education prior to their election.

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