<p>Why have some governments been more successful than others in responding to the threat of domestic terrorism within their states? This thesis seeks to analyze the conditions of effective response to the threat of terrorism in the liberal democratic state. The working assumption of this thesis is that the type of terrorist phenomenon shapes the appropriate policy response. Each terrorist act requires a unique response determined by the particulars of the situation. Since some of the potential responses to terrorism pose an equal, if not greater, threat to democratic freedoms than does terrorism itself, a balanced response to terrorist activity is necessary. It is the right dose of flexible tolerance which will safeguard the liberal democratic balance between the rights of the individual and the security of the whole community. This thesis will provide a comprehensive analysis of the more widespread and potentially destabilizing nationalist terrorism - using the case studies of the Irish Republican Army and Spain's Euzkadi ta Askatasuna; and the threat of revolutionary terrorism - using the case studies of Italy's Red Brigades and the Federal Republic of Germany's Red Army Faction. This thesis will look at the full range of policy options that may be open to governments in responding to terrorism: anti-terrorist legislation; intelligence; military/police/security cooperation; and media management. Governments, understandably, do not release the full details of their counter-terrorism procedures. Recent data references are difficult to find. It is for these reasons that the time frame of this thesis will be restricted primarily to the period between the mid-1960s to the early 1980s.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>Diplomacy has been an important component in international relations since the earliest of civilizations. As societies evolved, so did diplomacy. In the context of the relationship between Canada and the United States the issue of acid rain resulted in some unusual diplomatic tactics being employed by Canada. This thesis seeks to review the degree of this unusual behaviour and determine whether it is an indication of a shift in the nature of diplomacy in the Canadian-American relationship, or an isolated incident, not likely to be repeated.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>The evolving interdependent nature of the Canada- United States relationship suggests there will exist the need to further search for mutually agreed methods to settle disputes. Whether the International Joint Commission is adaptable to meet contemporary challenges that transcend its traditional concerns is a matter of debate. The Point Roberts reference provides valuable insight into this inquiry. As well, the Point Roberts reference portrays an interesting study into the dilemma facing this community and the dynamics of multi-jurisdictional decision-making processes. The Commission's failure to conclusively resolve the dilemma must be considered in light of the nationalistic overtones of the dispute, the investigative framework erected by the bilateral agency and the set of recommendations proposed by the Commission's advisory board. Although care must be taken interpreting the results from a single case study, the reference does signal both the dangers and potential for the International Joint Commission to become involved with matters outside the realm it has customarily transversed.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>This thesis examines the likelihood of institutionalized security arrangements, which have been successfully developed in Europe, emerging in the North Pacific. It seeks to explain whether a security regime, involving confidence and security building measures (CSBMs) or arms control, can be established in the region. If such a regime is to be established, the obstacles that have to be overcome are analyzed. As a way of testing the transferability of CSBMs from Europe to the North Pacific, two regional CSBM proposals, the North Pacific Cooperative Security Dialogue (NPCSD) and Open Skies (OS), are evaluated. It is concluded that the NPCSD is more likely to succeed, as a regional security regime, than an attempt to transplant the Open Skies concept from Europe to the North Pacific.</p> <p>Given the problems between the various North Pacific states and the different circumstances between the North Pacific and Europe, the NPCSD is more likely to be adopted because it attempts to build the requisite political cooperation necessary for larger CSBMs, like Open Skies, to work. Open Skies needs greater inter-state collaboration than currently available in the region. This thesis concludes with a discussion of how greater economic integraton of the North Pacific political-economy might encourage political cooperaton over regional issues.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>The purpose of this thesis was to do a gender-based policy analysis of the gender integration program of the Canadian Forces, looking specifically at women in the combat arms (Infantry, Armoured, Artillery and Combat Engineers). In researching this thesis, I studied primary policy documents extensively, as well as engaging in both participant and unobtrusive observation at Area Training Centre Meaford and Combat Training Centre Gagetown. The research revealed that, despite recent efforts to achieve gender neutrality by the leadership of the Anny and the Canadian Forces, what it takes to be perceived as a good soldier remains inextricably linked, with what it takes to be perceived as a good man. In other words, life in the combat am1S remains predicated on the male norm. It is my argument that it is exactly this attempt at gender neutrality that inhibits women's integration into the combat arms, by masking the continuance of male privilege through the perception of difference as equivalent with inferiority. This translates not only into unofficial attitudes of soldiers, but also into training standards, equipment and a social infrastructure that assumes that men are the norm. I, therefore, argue that only when women are recognized as different, without assuming physical or social inferiority, will the CF be able to successfully integrate women as equals into the combat arms.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>Since the end of the Cold War, the Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS) has undergone a period of transformative change.1 The experiences of CSIS during this time represent an opportunity for the theoretical examination of the process of organizational change as well as a consideration of the influence of epistemic community theory. With respect to organizational change, it will be shown that CSIS has experienced a profound change in its external environment. Evironmental change has in turn generated subsequent efforts to adapt organizational culture and organizational goals at CSIS. The most critical aspects of the new external changes are the new threats and priorities arising from a new international security environment and the contraction of public fiscal resources throughout the Canadian federal government The resulting reorientation of CSIS is consistent with the model of organizational change presented by Paul Thomas. The post Cold War experience of CSIS is also illustrative of epistemic community theory. The influence of American and British intelligence agencies can be observed in the similarity between CSIS policy and American and British intelligence policy. This similarity is consistent with epistemic community theory, which explains international policy coordination as the produce of transnational expert groups with a common policy agenda and a shared scientific method. The presence of an intelligence epistemic community means that (the post-Cold War adaptation of CSIS is being constrained by domestic and international factors.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>Simone Weil wrote The Need for Roots in 1943 to explain how France could be returned to her people after the war. While this was her immediate interest, the concerns she raises are applicable to modem society in general. Weil suggests that the seeming despair and hopelessness bestowed upon human beings can be attributed to a condition that she describes as "uprootedness". Owing largely to industrialization, money, and the rise of the nation-state, individuals are no longer connected in time and space to anything. They are beings without a history, driven by blind ambition and egoism, and hence no understanding of who and what they are. The problem revealed in The Need for Roots is that modern society leaves no room for an authentic expression of loyalty. The tragic outcome, however, is that individuals come to love the state because there is nothing else to love. Individuals find themselves living in "democracies" in which everything connected with public life is despised. They are cut off from all environments that might otherwise enable them some control over their lives and a point of reference for determining who and what they are. This thesis examines what Weil means by Il0yatty", why it might be important, and how it can occupy a place in modern society. Weil suggests that a life devoid of loyalty is a life devoid of meaning and hope and yet this is the condition in which modem society finds itself. In the past 50 years, the main focus of study on Weil has been her religious writings. This thesis attempts to examine her political ideas as they come to bear in The Need for Roots. The intention of the thesis is not to pass judgement on Weil's ideas, which are often other-worldly and some would argue idealistic, but to give serious consideration to her civic mindedness.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>The study of social policy within the context of the European Union has mostly been analysed from a supranational view. This thesis will assess the impact of European integration on national welfare state and thus will analyse how the supranational institution affects the social policies of member states. This thesis will discuss the impact of European integration, and more specifically the European Monetary Union (EMU), on the welfare state of five countries (Italy, Germany, Sweden, UK and France). The sectors of old-age pensions and health care were chosen as representative of the welfare state. Since the five countries belong to three different welfare regimes, as classified by Esping-Andersen (1990), the responses to the new challenge of EMU will, in most cases, vary accordingly. Nevertheless, because the analysis of the welfare state remains a national issue, there are still some striking differences in the way countries respond to a new challenge such as EMU. It is argued that the EU has had some impacts on the welfare states of the five countries studied.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>Multinational corporations have been the source of contention and debate for several decades, among academics and politicians alike. Much of the discourse over multinationals has focussed on their perceived impacts on state sovereignty or deciphering whether they are harmful or beneficial to states. However, contending approaches provide us with little understanding of the sources of their power. This thesis approaches conflicts between multinational corporations and states with this as its central query. The three cases - Union Carbide in Bhopal, India; Toshiba Corporation and the United States; and pharmaceutical multinationals in Canada - are examined, collectively and individually, so as to evaluate the various prevailing approaches and assumptions regarding the power of multinational corporations. Although it is recognized that these approaches have their merits, the case studies strongly affirm the value and necessity of incorporating other factors into an analysis of the power of a multinational corporation during a conflict with a state. As such, the case studies establish that, in instances of contention with a state, structural power and domestic structures are more cogent determinants of outcomes, or power, of a multinational corporation than are traditional methods of evaluating power.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>This study explores the responses of labour in English Canada and in Quebec to the Canada - U.S. Free Trade Agreement [FTA]; to the North America Free Trade Agreement [NAFTA]; and to the neo-liberal agenda of business and (federal) government for whom labour saw free trade as "the centrepiece." The thesis challenges conventional theories, principally that labour's response to free trade is governed by economics. Rather, political outlooks are key to labour's very different responses in English Canada and Quebec.</p> <p>In the anti-FTA campaign, both union movements adopted positions of opposition, though for different reasons and with important differences in emphasis and approach. In the anti-NAFTA struggle, Quebec labour modified its opposition. It participated in the process of trying to inject a social dimension into the NAFTA's side deals, while English-Canadian labour rejected any accommodation to NAFTA, which it treated as a "conditioning framework". Neither approach worked: the side deals approved were cosmetic. However, following the 1993 election and proposals to turn NAFTA into an hemispheric agreement, English-Canadian labour came around in 1995 to the Québécois position.</p> <p>The thesis points to major errors made by English-Canadian labour including: adopting the nationalist outlook of the anti-free trade coalition it helped to build and finance, yet over which labour lost control; de-linking itself from the NDP and undermining it in two federal elections, 1988 and 1993; and limiting its options by posing free trade as a "doomsday" issue.</p> <p>The thesis also examines the connection between free trade, full employment, and independence in Quebec. The proposition is analyzed that, for Quebec labour, free trade may yet turn out to be a "liberating framework".</p> <p>The argument is developed with reference to union documents, union newspapers, and interviews with union and political leaders.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)