This dissertation is the first monographic study of the monk-calligrapher Yishan Yining (1247-1317), who was sent to Japan in 1299 as an imperial envoy by Emperor Chengzong (Temur, 1265-1307. r. 1294-1307), and achieved unprecedented success there. Through careful visual analysis of his extant oeuvre, this study situates Yishan’s calligraphy synchronically in the context of Chinese and Japanese calligraphy at the turn of the 14th century and diachronically in the history of the relationship between calligraphy and Buddhism. This study also examines Yishan’s prolific inscriptional practice, in particular the relationship between text and image, and its connection to the rise of ink monochrome landscape painting genre in 14th century Japan. This study fills a gap in the history of Chinese calligraphy, from which monk-calligraphers and their practices have received little attention. It also contributes to existing Japanese scholarship on bokuseki by relating Zen calligraphy to religious and political currents in Kamakura Japan. Furthermore, this study questions the validity of the “China influences Japan” model in the history of calligraphy and proposes a more fluid and nuanced model of synthesis between the wa and the kan (Japanese and Chinese) in examining cultural practices in East Asian culture.

This dissertation examines the artworks of Unkoku Tōgan (1547–1618), an artist based in western Japan during the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. Although Tōgan gained a reputation as an artist who inherited the legacy of Sesshū Tōyō (1420–1506), a celebrated master of ink painting, I aim to contribute a more comprehensive understanding of Tōgan’s oeuvre by examining it beyond this aspect alone. To this end, the study explores other dimensions of his career and paintings, with a particular focus on issues such as the role of patronage, the artist’s engagement with Chinese traditions, and cross-cultural elements related to Korea. I contend that the value of this thesis lies in its examination of Tōgan’s paintings through a lens that differs from those used in previous studies, thereby situating his works in a broader political and cultural context within East Asia. Chapter 1 focuses on the analysis of Tōgan’s stylistic development in relation to and beyond that of Sesshū, exploring Chinese artistic traditions associated with the formal attributes of Tōgan. First, I argue that the stylistic changes evident in Tōgan’s works between the sliding-door paintings at Buttūji in Hiroshima and Ōbaiin in Kyoto may have originated from his receipt of Sesshū’s "Long Landscape Scroll" from Mōri Terumoto, an influential daimyo based in western Japan, who employed Tōgan as his painter-in-residence. This finding suggests a revised timeline for the granting of the scroll to Togan; I thus propose that the event occurred between 1597 and 1598, which differs from the generally accepted 1593 timeframe. Nevertheless, even after this occurrence, Tōgan persisted in utilizing pictorial languages that did not align with those of Sesshū, which suggests that Tōgan developed distinctive stylistic approach. With regard to this matter, I elucidate upon the visual elements in relation to the Chinese models that were among Tōgan’s inspirations . Chapter 2 centers on the topic of patronage, examining the background on the lineage of Sesshū, synonymous with the outset of the Unkoku school, as well as the role of Tōgan and his artworks in assisting his patrons. It is accurate to note that previous studies have already addressed the fact that Tōgan’s patron, Terumoto, gave Sesshū’s "Long Landscape Scroll" to Tōgan, thereby reviving Sesshū’s artistic lineage. However, the statement has been presented in a cursory manner, without any detailed account of the circumstances surrounding the event. I argue that Terumoto, at a time when the Mōri were in a political predicament, formalized the artistic legacy with the objective of promoting the cultural authority and political legitimacy of the Mōri clan, in relation to the Ōuchi clan who were the most dominant hegemony in western Japan during the medieval period. This chapter thus intends to shed light on the circumstances and motivations behind the occasion, as well as to conduct a critical analysis of Tōgan’s contributions and the function of his paintings within the project. Chapter 3 offers an analysis of Tōgan’s Chinese figure paintings with an aim to clarify his relationship with the Kano school, with whom Tōgan is known to have trained, and of him as a man of culture. This chapter examines the thematic and stylistic associations with the Kano school, official painters serving the Toyotomi clan and the Tokugawa shogunate, affiliated with powerful elites in the capital. Despite Tōgan’s documented apprenticeship with the Kano school, it remains challenging to identify clear stylistic connections between his works and those of the Kano school, with the exception of a few examples, such as the landscape paintings of Buttsūji and the bird-and-flower screens in Tōshunji. In light of these considerations, I directed my attention to Tōgan’s Chinese figure paintings, which offer insights into this area. In my view, they appear to reflect a comparable approach to the Kano school in terms of their thematic choices and interpretations, which were likely tailored to cater to their military patrons with a political agenda. Moreover, previous studies have examined Tōgan’s status as a man of culture, but the majority of research has concentrated on his engagement with chanoyu, renga, and landscape paintings in the style of Chinese artists. To further illustrate this point, this dissertation took an alternative approach, investigating the unconventional iconography in his Chinese figure paintings, in relation to his familiarity with Chinese pictorial traditions and literature. Chapter 4 presents alternative research regarding Tōgan’s working environment and engagement with Korean culture, delving into his relationships with Korean paintings in Japan. While previous studies have identified some connections between Tōgan’s works and Korean paintings, the discussions were brief, typically comprising a paragraph or so, and lacked sufficient elaborations on the ideas involved. This chapter addresses this issue by situating Tōgan’s works within a broader regional context and undertaking a detailed examination of the ways in which they were shaped by the cultural and traditional heritage of their environment. In order to achieve this, this study takes into consideration various determinants that could have impacted Tōgan's artistic output. Such factors included the social circumstances in western Japan during his career, the perception of Korean painting in Japan, comparisons with Korean models related to the Mōri family, and inscriptions by Korean figures on his paintings. Furthermore, this chapter conducts an in-depth examination of one of his Bodhidharma paintings, which has not been the subject of comprehensive analysis within existing studies. I consider this an important painting because it bears inscriptions by a renowned Korean diplomat monk, Priest Songun, and a prominent Japanese diplomat monk, Keitetsu Genso. The painting therefore serves to reveal the actual connections and communications between a local Japanese and a legendary Korean monk who mediated with Tokugawa Ieyasu for reconciliation. With the newly proposed approach, this study aims to reach a new understanding of Tōgan’s paintings in a synthesized manner in relation to Korea. To summarize, Tōgan cultivated his own style by drawing upon a multitude of sources from the past and continental cultures and manipulated them in large formats, such as folding screens and sliding-door paintings. On the surface, he adapted his works to suit the needs of the new socio-political situation while decorating the residences of his patrons. At the same time, he was simultaneously striving to project his individual artistic identity as a man of learning from a warrior family. The multifaceted elements present in his artistic oeuvre mirror the dynamic era in which he was active.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Princeton University, 1974. / Originally issued in 3 v.; v. 3 (illustrations) not submitted for reproduction. Each entry in the bibliography is transliterated and is in Chinese or Japanese characters. Includes bibliographical references (v. 1, leaves 322-343).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 1990. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves [420]-434).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Kansas, 1985. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 412-416).

This dissertation investigates the work of Ogata Kōrin (1658–1716), one of the most idiosyncratic artists of Japan’s early modern period. By employing aspects of literature and theater, as well as a focus on Kōrin’s experimentations with the effects of style, materials, and artistic media, I elucidate how his oeuvre is characterized by a continuous strive to test the faculties of painting. Following a chronological approach, the four chapters of the dissertation trace Kōrin’s life and work from his early steps as a painter to the collaboration with his brother Kenzan (1663–1743) during his final years. The chapters are framed by an introduction, a conclusion, and an appendix. The first chapter focusses on Kōrin’s earliest works: two hanging scrolls depicting the medieval poet Sōgi (1421–1502) and Hotei Playing Kemari, as well as a pair of screens entitled Poetic Meanings of the Twelve Months. These works reveal Kōrin’s intellectual indebtedness to late medieval culture and the imperial court. Kōrin’s initial engagement in the arts occurred alongside his first confrontation with medieval ink modes, which laid the foundations for Kōrin’s lifelong understanding of that material. Numerous contemporary sources testify to Kōrin’s passion for the Noh theater. This little-studied, formative period of Kōrin’s life established his aesthetic sensibilities and is thus critical for understanding his art, a connection examined in the second chapter. Kōrin’s perennial engagement with Noh put him in contact with high-level aristocrats, such as the Nijō family, as well as upper-tier clergy at the temples Daigoji and Nishi Honganji. The theater also provides a possible reading of key works by Kōrin, such as his screen painting Irises. The third and fourth chapters explore Kōrin’s diversified dialogue with the material qualities of ink. The third chapter surveys his appropriation of a particular technique, tarashikomi, first championed by Tawaraya Sōtatsu (d. ca. 1640). I propose that Kōrin turned to tarashikomi as he prepared to leave his native Kyoto for Edo, where he was active for around five years. The chapter argues that Kōrin used tarashikomi, a painting method associated with Kyoto culture, to solicit clients in the shogunal capital of Edo. The last chapter is devoted to Kōrin’s collaboration with Kenzan. From the 1710s onward, the brothers created numerous examples of sabi-e, works in iron oxide on square ceramic vessels that emulate the techniques and visuality of paintings in ink. This unprecedented expansion of the boundaries of one medium to envelop another resulted in approximations of traditional ink paintings in ceramics. In the process, Kōrin expanded the paradigm of ink to include an entirely new material component. The appendix includes the first complete English-language translation of the collection of extant Edo-period letters and other documents by and about Kōrin that are contained in the Konishi Archives, held at the Kyoto National Museum, the Osaka Municipal Museum, and various other collections in Japan.

Thesis (Ph D.)--New York University, 1981. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (p. 447-466).

A pair of eight-fold screens entitled "World-Map-and-Twenty-Eight-City" represents a colorful world map with the figures of peoples of the world on one screen. The painting is punctuated by numerous city markers, with the largest indicating the city of Rome. On the other screen, twenty-eight cities of the world and Christian and Muslim kings in ceremonial attire on horseback are depicted. This pair of screens was probably produced in the early seventeenth century. It was most likely painted by Jesuit-trained Japanese painters who had learned western themes and painting techniques: perspective and chiaroscuro. Until the sixteenth century, Japanese experience with and knowledge of the world was limited to its neighbouring lands, such as China, Korea, and India. Beyond the realm of Japan lay worlds formed through fascination and the imagination. In 1543, however, this changed with the appearance of the Portuguese, who journeyed to Japan in the pursuit of new lands to develop trade and to spread Christianity. The Portuguese and their culture had a strong impact on Japanese thoughts and activities, including the creation of many screens with European motifs and new views of the world at large. This pair of screens was drawn upon Dutch prototype made by Petrus Kaerius (1571-1646) in 1609. In my thesis I will examine how "World-Map-and-Twenty-Eight-City" screens performed a two-fold function. I will first examine how the screens marked Jesuit propagation of Christianity in Japan, and second I will examine how the screens articulated what might be called an emergent sense of Japanese collective identity. By this I do not mean identity based on nationalism, which emerged in Japan only in the nineteenth century. Rather, I mean an increasing awareness of the Self in relation to Other, and not only in relation to those outside the geographic confines of Japan but also within. What I intend to explore is how definitions of geography and culture in world map screens, and specifically "World-Map-and-Twenty-Eight-City" screens, prompted viewers to acknowledge a more distinctive Self. The end of the sixteenth and the beginning of the seventeenth centuries was a transitional moment for both the Jesuits and Portugal. Religiously, the Jesuits were in conflict with the Japanese government and, as well their authority was undermined by Mendicants from the Philippines. These conflicts were compounded further by the spread of Protestantism in Europe. Similarly, after a short prosperous trade in Asia, rising economic and political power of the Netherlands and England gradually pushed Portuguese trade out of Asia. By comparing "World-Map-and-Twenty-Eight-City" screens with "In-and-Around- Kyoto" screens, I argued that the Jesuit's hidden agenda of glorifying Christendom and God's order on earth emerged. Moreover, by comparing this pair with "Four-Continent-and- Forty-Eight-People" screens, I detect the emergence of sense of a Japanese Self, that was forged in relation to the Europeans. Although the screens give the impression of the orderly and peaceful world, they mask the unstable situation which the Jesuits and Portugal were experiencing at the time. In the end, I propose that "World-Map-and-Twenty-Eight-City" screens transformed and reworked the Dutch prototype from a geographical mode to one that is highly decorative. Rather than articulating a Japanese view of the world, the screens maintained the notion of a powerful Catholic world.

A pair of eight-fold screens entitled "World-Map-and-Twenty-Eight-City" represents a colorful world map with the figures of peoples of the world on one screen. The painting is punctuated by numerous city markers, with the largest indicating the city of Rome. On the other screen, twenty-eight cities of the world and Christian and Muslim kings in ceremonial attire on horseback are depicted. This pair of screens was probably produced in the early seventeenth century. It was most likely painted by Jesuit-trained Japanese painters who had learned western themes and painting techniques: perspective and chiaroscuro. Until the sixteenth century, Japanese experience with and knowledge of the world was limited to its neighbouring lands, such as China, Korea, and India. Beyond the realm of Japan lay worlds formed through fascination and the imagination. In 1543, however, this changed with the appearance of the Portuguese, who journeyed to Japan in the pursuit of new lands to develop trade and to spread Christianity. The Portuguese and their culture had a strong impact on Japanese thoughts and activities, including the creation of many screens with European motifs and new views of the world at large. This pair of screens was drawn upon Dutch prototype made by Petrus Kaerius (1571-1646) in 1609. In my thesis I will examine how "World-Map-and-Twenty-Eight-City" screens performed a two-fold function. I will first examine how the screens marked Jesuit propagation of Christianity in Japan, and second I will examine how the screens articulated what might be called an emergent sense of Japanese collective identity. By this I do not mean identity based on nationalism, which emerged in Japan only in the nineteenth century. Rather, I mean an increasing awareness of the Self in relation to Other, and not only in relation to those outside the geographic confines of Japan but also within. What I intend to explore is how definitions of geography and culture in world map screens, and specifically "World-Map-and-Twenty-Eight-City" screens, prompted viewers to acknowledge a more distinctive Self. The end of the sixteenth and the beginning of the seventeenth centuries was a transitional moment for both the Jesuits and Portugal. Religiously, the Jesuits were in conflict with the Japanese government and, as well their authority was undermined by Mendicants from the Philippines. These conflicts were compounded further by the spread of Protestantism in Europe. Similarly, after a short prosperous trade in Asia, rising economic and political power of the Netherlands and England gradually pushed Portuguese trade out of Asia. By comparing "World-Map-and-Twenty-Eight-City" screens with "In-and-Around- Kyoto" screens, I argued that the Jesuit's hidden agenda of glorifying Christendom and God's order on earth emerged. Moreover, by comparing this pair with "Four-Continent-and- Forty-Eight-People" screens, I detect the emergence of sense of a Japanese Self, that was forged in relation to the Europeans. Although the screens give the impression of the orderly and peaceful world, they mask the unstable situation which the Jesuits and Portugal were experiencing at the time. In the end, I propose that "World-Map-and-Twenty-Eight-City" screens transformed and reworked the Dutch prototype from a geographical mode to one that is highly decorative. Rather than articulating a Japanese view of the world, the screens maintained the notion of a powerful Catholic world. / Arts, Faculty of / Art History, Visual Art and Theory, Department of / Graduate

This dissertation presents an in-depth examination of Sumiyoshi Gukei’s (住吉 具慶, 1631–1705) masterwork handscrolls Illustrated Legends of the Two Masters (Ryōdaishi engi emaki, 1680), pictorial biographies of the Tendai Buddhist patriarchs Tenkai (天海, 1536–1643) and Ryōgen (良源, 912–985). These scrolls played a crucial role in Gukei’s 1685 appointment to shogunal painter (goyō eshi), distinguishing him as the first artist trained in the native yamato-e style to be hired to the position by the Tokugawa. Illustrated Legends of the Two Masters demonstrates the manner in which Gukei utilized visual tropes steeped in the prestige of an idealized past to devise an entirely new iconography suitable to satisfy the desires of Kan’eiji, the shogunal temple that commissioned these narratives. The yamato-e of the Edo period inherently embodies a tension between lionizing the visual tropes of the historic past and refreshing them with novel interpretations, a balance perfectly struck by Gukei’s expressive, idiosyncratic, and narratively rich take on the mode. From its founding in 1663, the members of Sumiyoshi school had a reputation for working in an orthodox style of yamato-e, resulting from the Tosa school training of the founder Sumiyoshi Jokei (住吉 如慶, 1598–1670), and his thorough experience copying classic paragons of courtly grace; as the second head of the school, Gukei’s interpretation exhibits a noteworthy departure from previous conventions. This deft appropriation of imperial visual culture and adroit repackaging to suit contemporary tastes appealed to the Tokugawa shogunate, itself seeking a visual vocabulary with which to maintain cultural dominion over the realm.