A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Engineering and the Built Environment, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Johannesburg, 2017 / Mineral resources can act as key for economic growth and have the potential to transform economies and societies. The extent to which such transformation takes place varies depending upon the method of their use. Pakistan is gifted with significant mineral resources that have the potential to lift its economy and bring prosperity to its citizens. For this to happen, Pakistan must formulate a mineral policy based on leading practices to attract mining investment and increase the sector contribution to GDP in the range of 3 – 5%. The fundamental objective of this research is to investigate the process of mineral policy development of Pakistan against leading developing minerals-based economies and to formulate a strategic fit mineral policy framework, keeping in mind its fragile political, socio-economic and security environment. Developing countries with mineral wealth must try to gain maximum benefit from their mineral resources. These are national assets and should be managed responsibly and not used unwisely. For the gap analysis between Pakistan‘s current mineral policy framework and leading developing countries, five criteria were formulated. Two basic principles were kept in mind with the choice of countries; first, a developing country like Pakistan should be selected; and second, at least two countries should be Islamic. Eight developing courtiers, Chile, Mexico, Brazil, Peru, India, South Africa, Kazakhstan and Turkey were selected for analysis. The key elements for the mineral sector of Pakistan are; Pakistan‘s mineral sector is lacking an enabling institutional framework for efficient access to mineral resources; it lacks an enabling fiscal and regulatory framework for mining to enhance the economic attractiveness of the sector; and the absence of a mining Cadastre System to secure mineral rights prevents security of tenure. Six stakeholders, Government and its implementation bodies; Mining industry; Local communities and their representatives; Law enforcing agencies (LEA's); Religious Monarchs; and Financial institutions were identified and their role defined in policy development framework. A new mineral Policy Framework was formulated based on seven key enablers, namely; institutional framework; stable political economy; legal framework; regulatory framework; fiscal framework; stakeholder participation; and sustainable development. A new organisational structure of the Ministry is proposed based on the generally accepted organisational structure of tiers, implementation and regulatory bodies. An implementation plan based on three building blocks was developed for implementation of the new Mineral Policy Framework. Implementation of an enabling Institutional framework and other key elements of mineral policy framework were suggested to be implemented through the constitution of a Mineral Development Advisory Committee (MDAC). A PakMining Cadastre system was suggested to be constituted under the new Ministry for secure minerals rights system. System design and the geometrical architecture of the PakMining Cadastre System were also suggested. / MT 2017

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The purpose of this thesis is to study and analyse the development of the Kashmir dispute between India and Pakistan, the effect of their respective outlooks upon the various proposals for settlement brought forward by the United Nations or their own leaders, and the reasons for each subsequent failure to resolve the eighteen year deadlock. Twelve years ago, Michael Brecher concluded in The Struggle for Kashmir that both India and Pakistan had economic, strategic and political interests in the State; and of the three, those brought about by the two-nation theory and the conflicting religious and secular policies were deemed to be the most important. While one cannot disagree with Brecher's general conclusions, this writer feels that the specific importance of Kashmir to either India or Pakistan at any given time is not a constant factor but instead has been influenced by contemporary foreign and domestic events and has been in a perpetual state of change. What was considered of primary importance in 1947, therefore, does not necessarily hold the same position today. Indeed, to single out one factor as the reason for the continuation of the dispute would not only be inopportune, but incorrect. Because of the very nature of the dispute and its international and domestic.characteristics, one is faced by a plethora of material - including White Papers on correspondence; over one hundred Security Council debates; many pamphlets and some thousands of diplomatic newsletters. It has been necessary, therefore, to sift through all available evidence and to extract only that which is pertinent to the topic. It must be realized that because of the importance of Kashmir to both India and Pakistan;, all the information from governmental sources or written by their nationals contains the type of material calculated to present their case in the best possible light. Thus it becomes necessary in many cases - the Pathan incursions in October 1947, the Jinnah-Mountbatten talks and the Mohammed All-Nehru discussions, and the essence of the Nehru-Sheikh Abdullah proposals for federation - to read between the lines in order to trace developments. In the early stages of the dispute, one can sympathize with Pakistan's claim to Kashmir and her efforts to obtain a "free and impartial plebiscite." Unlike India, she accepted every practical proposal brought forward to settle the dispute. Although neither India nor Pakistan produced a statesman capable of resolving the deadlock, the former Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, must be singled out as the major contributor to the continuation of the dispute. It was not that his actions were incomparable with his Pakistani counterparts; but rather that as a statesman of such magnitude, willing to solve the world's problems - with or without invitation he could adopt a self-righteous "Babu" attitude when dealing with the State. Indeed, Nehru appears to have become emotionally incapable of treating Pakistan as an equal; hence the dispute continued in deadlock. India's intransigence has continued in open defiance of the United Nations and in complete contradiction to her earlier promises for self-determination in Kashmir. Notwithstanding the fact that Pakistan, in her effort to gain international support for her Kashmir policy, has virtually talked - herself out of any claim to the State, one can now sympathize with the Indian position. It is not that India is more right today than eighteen years ago, but rather that her interest in the State - originally a prestige issue - has now degenerated to the point where a plebiscite could possibly mean her internal collapse through the onslaught of communalism. She accepted and held Kashmir as a showplace for secularism and for the prestige offered by its geographic location; today she controls a monster within which could lie the seeds of her own destruction. The point of view taken in this thesis, therefore, is that the existing stalemate appears to be the only practical solution to the Kashmir dilemma, and that history may prove Nehru's negative attitude towards Kashmir to have been correct. Nevertheless, it is significant to note that the voice of Kashmiri nationalism has yet to be taken into account. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

Call number: LD2668 .T4 1985 K375 / Master of Regional and Community Planning

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