This study examined as risk and protective factors which may promote or deter physical punishment use across generations. This study used self-report information from parents (N = 211) who had a child between the ages of 2-6. Additionally, the participating parents were also asked if they would like to invite one of their parents (e.g., the grandparent) to participate. Grandparents (N = 65) completed the same questionnaires as their adult child, though grandparents were asked to reflect upon when they were parenting the adult child. Four risk factors promoting physical punishment were examined: childhood histories of physical punishment, favorable attitudes towards physical punishment, feeling of anger and stress. As expected, parents’ childhood physical punishment, high feeling of anger and stress were associated with parents using physical punishment techniques with their own children. This study also investigated the salience of such risk factors in promoting physical punishment to continue, above the influence of receiving physical punishment as a child. Parents’ current favorable attitudes towards physical punishment predicted their use of physical discipline with their children, even after controlling for childhood histories of being physically punished. When parents’ childhood experiences of physical punishment and feelings of anger were considered together, parents’ childhood experiences significantly predicted using physical punishment; feelings of anger were marginally related to physical punishment practices. Similar results were found when parents’ childhood experiences and feelings of stress were considered together. Additionally, four risk factors deterring physical punishment were examined: feelings of resentment about childhood experiences of physical punishment, effective anger regulation and stress coping techniques. Parents who were spanked frequently as a child, but had low feelings of resentment about being spanked were at greater risk of using physical punishment on their child, compared to parents who were spanked frequently, but had higher feelings of resentment. Parents’ abilities to regulate their feeling of anger and cope with stress were not associated with parents less use of physical punishment. Finally, grandparents’ and parents’ reports of physical punishment use were different, with parents using less physical punishment on their child than what they experienced as a child. / text

Despite a number of public health initiatives targeting the sexual health of teenagers, teen pregnancy and STD rates in the U.S. remain exceptionally high. Although schools and peers are common sources of information for teens, research suggests that parents serve as one of the primary sources of sexual health information for adolescents. Many studies have focused on the content of parent-adolescent communication about sex, but more needs to be known about how such communication varies by adolescent gender and across different kinds of families. In this study, regression analysis assessed mother and adolescent In-Home interview data from Wave I of the Adolescent Health dataset (n = 20,745). Findings indicate that family structure and maternal education are somewhat predictive of the communication outcomes, yet adolescent gender remains the most significant factor in communication between mothers and adolescents. In short, mothers communicate more about sexual health with girls than boys, and this gender gap does not vary considerably across family structures or socioeconomic statuses based on maternal education. / text

published_or_final_version / Education / Master / Master of Education

published_or_final_version / abstract / toc / Clinical Psychology / Master / Master of Social Sciences

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My study examined whether and how the relationship between parent and teacher corresponds to the socioeconomic status (SES) of the family or to the achievement level of their child in reading and writing. Relationship was defined in terms of communication, perceptions of mutual support and reported levels of satisfaction. The constructs were assessed through questionnaires and interviews with seven parent-teacher dyads. Each dyad represented a unique profile of student achievement (high or low), SES of the family (high or low), and parental involvement (high or minimal). Successful relationships were characterized as having clear communication, perceptions of helpful mutual support, and high levels of success. No clear patterns in the success of the relationships emerged from examination of the SES or achievement of the children; however, successful relationships were aligned with the teachers' ratings of parental involvement. Teachers included newsletters and log book messages in their methods of communicating with parents, while parents considered only two-way interactions as communicating with their child's teacher. Teachers in higher SES schools reported giving suggestions to parents to assist their children but the parents did not report hearing the suggestions; however, teachers in lower SES schools did not report giving suggestions to parents but parents reported hearing the suggestions. Home literacy activities varied across families in high versus low SES schools. Parents in higher SES schools reported a broader range of activities in their home that supported their children's literacy acquisition than their lower SES counterparts. Activities reported by low SES families were more task oriented while activities reported by higher SES families were more entertainment oriented and corresponded better with school activities.