East Timor had been a colony of Portugal for more than four centuries when Indonesia invaded it in 1975 and began its occupation of twenty-four years. Indonesia imposed its strategy of economic development, pembangunan, with the primary objective of 'modernising' this newly occupied territory which was regarded as daerah ketinggalan (a 'backward' region) - a legacy of Portuguese colonialism. According to the Indonesian perspective, East Timor would, in the end, become daerah maju (a 'developed' region) like the twenty-six other provinces in Indonesia. In order to 'modernise' the economy and society, Jakarta transferred approximately US$1 billion into East Timor during the occupation period. Much was achieved in terms of physical infrastructure such as roads and buildings. Real GDP growth rate in East Timor averaged 5.6% during the 1983-1996 p~riod. This was above the Indonesian average over the same period. This growth wa~ not without cost, however, as human suffering also increased. For purposes of companson, East Timor was the lowest in terms of the human development index (HDI) in Asia, and identical to that of the Central African state of Rwanda. The main objective of this study is therefore to analyse the New Order's strategy of economic development by critically assessing the processes and outcome of development brought to bear upon the East Timorese economy and society. Since the Indonesian development strategy was imposed upon the East Timorese, its character could not be anything other than authoritarian. The thirteen-year 'closure' period (1976- 1989) turned East Timor into a cauldron of increasing terror and suffering. However, it also encouraged rent-seeking activities and enlarged potential monopoly .rents, which ended up in the pockets of some military groups and a few East Timorese 'loyalists'. One of the major problems faced in conducting this study was to find reliable information; and unfortunately this problem also characterises our current knowledge of the East Timorese society and economy. Indeed, East Timor has become a major focus of attention for specialists in international relations, as well as social scientists, particularly after the Santa Cruz massacre in 1991. Yet, little has been written on the impact of Indonesian development strategy upon the East Timorese economy and society. This lack remains to the present day - to which this study contributes. Consequently, this study utilises data from a household survey that was conducted in Liquica, the smallest district in East Timor and one of the coffee-producing areas. To the author's knowledge, this survey breaks new ground in trying to generate data on the rural household, as well as in trying to understand poverty and inequality at the household level, which despite its limited sa.mple, might also shed light on the issues facing by other households across East Timo:. GIven the nature of the present study, an interdisciplinary approach is adopted. The thesis consists of two parts. The first part consists of three chapters: the introduction, a theoretical analysis and an overview of East Timor's colonial history. The second part, t~e main body of the study, consists of four chapters: pembangunan in Indonesia's recent history, the impact of pembangunan on East Timor's economy, human development and examination of the findings of the household survey.

This thesis deals with the PPP, from its emergence in 1973 until 1987. The study attempts to describe the political journey of this party. It examines the position of the PPP in the political system of Indonesia's New Order as a whole. Immediately after the rise of the New Order government, a systematic program to restructure and simplify the political system was launched. It aimed, primarily, at national stability and the elimination of ideological politics. To the New Order government, an Islamic ideological orientation would only lead to conflicts among political forces and cause chaos, as experienced during the liberal democracy of the Old Order government. The emergence of the PPP being a consequence of the political restructuring launched by the government, the expectation was that it would be a good partner of the government. However, in the first five years of its existence, the PPP tended towards radical politics opposing the government on religious grounds. This opposition, which was again manifested towards the end of the 1970s, was seen by the government as an attempt by Islamic political groups to replace the Pancasila with Islam as the nation's ideology. Such a perception caused a lengthy internal conflict within the partial itself, particularly between the NU and MI, or between the idealist and realist groups. The internal situation of the PPP helped the government enforce the Pancasila as the sole foundation of all social and political parties. The significance of this thesis lies in the fact that no attempt has so far been made to study Islam and politics under the New Order government with a particular focus on the PPP.

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Thesis (M.A.)--Ohio University, August, 2008. / Title from PDF t.p. Includes bibliographical references.