The processes of “othering” often create coarse images of “the other”, therefore there is a need to rethink the narrative of “the other”. A fruitful narrative of “the other” could be helpful in the interaction in multi-religious and multicultural social settings. The aim is to scrutinize the narrative of “the other” in Christian thought, in order to see if there is a Christian particular and fruitful narrative of “the other”, and if so, if this representation is useful in peace-processes. This study investigates how the representation of “the other” from a Christian context may be helpful in shifting attitudes. Specifically, it investigates the history and settings of “the other” and “othering”, and tries to find a more inclusive approach. In order to test the hypothesis that a fruitful narrative on “the other” could be beneficial in peace-processes, an analysis is done of “the other” within Christian faith. This takes place in distinction to the phenomenological and ethical perspective, with a broad set of literature and articles. This qualitative literature analysis examines the Christology and ecclesiology in Stanley Hauerwas’ and Dietrich Bonhoeffer’s theological writings, with the help of a theoretical framework, which is developed to classify structural features.  The results suggest that there is a potentiality in redefining “the other”, and that Bonhoeffer’s and Hauerwas’ understanding of the narrative of “the other” leads to belonging (inclusivism) rather than exclusivism. On this basis, this narrative should be taken into account in peace-processes, because an understanding of “the other” is beneficial in accepting differences as something that unite us rather than divide us.

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Year 2015, Sweden received approximately 163 000 refugees, whom almost half of were children. To combat these, according to the Swedish state overwhelming numbers, a temporary law was put in place in 2016. The law came to be extended and valid until 19th July 2021. This was a hard hit primarily towards children.  The purpose of this thesis is to critically analyze how children rights and human rights are interpreted when judicial judgments are passed within the context of asylum. To conduct this study, the work of inter alia, Louise Danes thesis has been studied, which gives us insight of the jurisprudence and the application of human rights in Swedish public right. Sweden outright implemented the “Convention on the Rights of the Child” into its own laws as is, without skewing or reformulating it in 2020, which is analyzed in this study. This study observes the first judgment made after the installment of this law, within an asylum case, regarding a 14 year old girl. What is also analyzed are documents of policy, from the Swedish Migration Agency regarding their understanding of human rights and application of it. The material in this study is analyzed from an ethical and critical standpoint, based on the thoughts of Ronald Dworkin and Elena Namli.  The study shows that the interpretation of human rights and children rights within public right is ambiguous. What has been shed light on based on this study, is that the authority uses certain laws to nullify the principle regarding the best interest of the child. In “hard cases” the state tend to apply laws to justify the compromise of a child’s human rights.  Keywords: asylum in Sweden, stateless Palestinian children, moral principles, Swedish Migration Agency, children’s right, human rights, Convention on the Rights of the Child

”Normalizing” surgeries on intersex children with ambiguous genitalia have faced an increasing amount of criticism from human rights bodies during the last decade. Despite this fact, most European nations still allow medically unnecessary procedures that aim to ”normalize” intersex children’s bodies. Sweden is one of many countries that continues to preform ”normalizing” surgeries on  small minors. The first purpose of this thesis is to comprehend why this happens to be the case. To accomplish this, I have identified political reasonings in Swedish politics and ethical reasonings in Swedish medical literature that explains Sweden’s stance on the subject. The second purpose of the thesis is to analyze whether these reasonings undermine or strengthen the human dignity of intersex children.  The study has shown that there are several reasons as to why ”normalizing” surgeries  continue to be allowed in Sweden. Regarding the political reasonings it has become clear that the surgeries tend to be ignored within Swedish politics since they are viewed as a medical issue. The reluctance to address the topic contributes to Sweden’s unwillingness to ban the practice, along with the political tendency to downplay or ignore the human rights violations that the surgeries entail. The ethical reasonings that Swedish medicine has used to justify the surgeries have been shown to rely on the claim that ”normalizing” surgeries can be necessary  to advocate for the best interest of the child. This position is partially based on the presumption that children with normative bodies are more likely to be accepted by their parents and society at large.  Even though the reasonings behind Sweden’s continued performance of the surgeries seem to have the children’s best interest at heart, I spend the thesis arguing that they nonetheless undermine the human dignity of intersex children. The medical community’s claim that the surgeries are performed in the best interest of the child immediately become problematic when it becomes clear that some intersex individuals have experienced the surgeries as a form of mutilation. With the help of Butler and Hedenius I further argue that it is contrary to the human dignity of intersex children to subject them to unnecessary surgeries with the aim of increasing the environments acceptance of the child. I also point out several ethical problems regarding the political tendency to downplay the critique directed towards ”normalizing” medical procedures.

Syftet med detta examensarbete var att undersöka hur islam och muslimer framställdes isvensk nyhetsmedia i samband med Rasmus Paludans provokativa manifestationer, vilka ägderum i Sverige mellan år 2020–2022. Till följd av dessa manifestationer bröt våldsammaupplopp ut på olika platser i Sverige, vilka kallas påskupploppen. Vidare undersöker studienhur dessa framställningar i media påverkar svenskfödda eller förstärker redan förekommandefördomar och stereotyper. Det empiriska material som ligger till grund för studien är artiklarsamt intervjuer, detta för att arbetet inte skulle bli för stort. Metoden som tillämpats i studienhar varit en kvalitativ metod, det vill säga textanalys samt intervjuer. Diskursteorin är detteoretiska ramverk som ligger till grund för studiens genomförande. Resultatet visar att mediai regel har stor påverkan på den sociala strukturen i samhället, medias framställningarförstärker svenskföddas fördomar och stereotypa bilder gentemot muslimer. Media har sedantidigare kritiserats för att påverka perspektiv och föreställningar i samhället, nyhetsmediamåste därför bli mer nyanserad i sin framställning. Slutsatsen är således att mediasframställningar upprätthåller ett perspektiv som kan skapa ett utanförskap genom ett ”vi” och”de”-förhållningssätt.

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No description available.

No description available.

When the women´s suffrage movement began in the last decades of the nineteenth century it was the beginning of the emancipation. In England Jewish women were both active in the suffrage movement – even as suffragettes - and formed the Jewish League for Woman Suffrage. And after World War I, when many European women gained their rights to vote, the English-Jewish women started a Women´s International Zionist Organization; WIZO. In Germany and Czechoslovakia too. But not in Sweden. Why? Jewesses in Stockholm are hard to discover among the Swedish women´s suffrage movement and they waited until the early 1930´s before organizing in a Jewish Women´s club; Judiska Kvinnoklubben (JKK) and a couple of years later in WIZO. My hypothesis is that Jewish women were made invisible in both the suffrage movement and the Jewish community. The subordination of women in Jewish community and their exclusion from religious leadership in congregational life was reflected by the patriarchal structures in Jewish community - as well in Swedish society - and patriarchal theology. It constructed the identity of Jewish women as primarily wives and mothers with the special mitzva of charity, instead of having leadership positions. But the women´s suffrage challenged that. The aim of this study is to analyze in what way Jewish women in Stockholm were involved in the Swedish suffrage movement and what importance it had for their future organizing (1931-1936). To achieve this, I use a method of content analysis with a gender perspective and a theory of social constructionism with an intersectional perspective. The result shows that there is a connection between the two female leader figures (in JKK and WIZO) and the suffrage movement. And by examining the context of how JKK and WIZO were established the analysis shows that Jewish women in Stockholm were inspired by how the suffrage movement was organized, when they began their own Jewish organizing.

Some things do not disappear. Violence is one of them. We are predisposed to think of several forms of violence – especially its collective manifestations – as profoundly destructive activities that ideally should be abolished altogether through laws and rules. However, laws and rules are also often thought to require violence to operate meaningfully. The more destructive the violence one tends to see, the tougher (and more violent) measures one tends to require. What one defines as “violence” is often thought to require some kind of counterforce, which also could be said to constitute “violence”. Indeed, at a deep level, law, order, and violence are often thought to be somehow related, creating a so-called double-bind that informs such important notions as authority and legitimate uses of force. The thesis argues that a contingent but powerful version of this figure of thought, a version which for the purposes of the thesis is named “productive violence”, can be traced back to one of the perhaps most important treatises in political philosophy, namely Thomas Hobbes’s Leviathan. It is then argued that “productive violence” still resonates with us today, both within academia and politics. In short, “productive violence” has a close relationship to a particular account of law which both takes violence to be foundational and purports to present an antidote to its excesses or otherwise undesirable manifestations. The thesis shows how this figure of thought can be said to be relevant and how it also can be said to be contagious. It does so by illustrating how “productive violence” can be found in various texts by various thinkers. By assembling a collection of texts in more recent political philosophy to trace the development of this figure of thought, the thesis closely reads four thinkers – Carl Schmitt, Walter Benjamin, Jacques Derrida, and Giorgio Agamben – whose texts, in both explicit and implicit ways, refer to each other and produce and reproduce this figure of thought. It is then shown how “productive violence” seemingly has had and continues to have a strong hold in contemporary academia and politics. The thesis uses an extreme but illustrative example, namely the political question of military intervention in civil war. By using this example, and by reading studies of international relations, the thesis shows how “productive violence” can be said to have a strong hold on political imagination. Lastly, the thesis suggests that although it is important to not let go of the notion that violence might be important to understand practices of law and politics, future research on violence, especially critical inquiries of political violence, should be aware of how presuppositions of its productive character in relation to order might perpetuate the very predicament that its criticism wants to escape.