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One of the pillars of phonological research has been the desirability of representing phonological processes as being local in application. Locality, as a principle of the grammar, constrains the relation between the trigger and target elements of a phonological process to one of adjacency. Adjacency, within the framework of Autosegmental Phonology and Underspecification theory, consists of two varieties: tier adjacency and structural adjacency (Myers (1987)). Tier adjacency examines linear relations among elements within an isolated tier of the representation (e.g. the tonal tier), while structural adjacency examines these relations mediated through the skeletal core, which organizes and maintains the linear relations between phonemes and their constituent elements. Locality and Adjacency are not, simply the preserve of featural relations and their skeletal core. The core itself, whether viewed as C/V slots, X/X' timing slots, or Root nodes, is organized into the grander structures of the Prosodic Hierarchy (e.g. syllable, Foot, etc.) . The formation of these units is a phonological process and as such subject to the same principles. A portion of the on -going debates in metrical theory has focused on whether metrical structure, in particular Foot structure, is limited to binary constituents. Kager (1989) proposes an extreme Binarism, with all metrical structure initially being limited to binarity. Hayes (1987) and Prince (1990) only commit to a strong preference for binary Feet. Halle & Vergnaud (1987) propose a system allowing binary, ternary, and unbounded Feet. The principle of Locality with its requirement of adjacency argues for a binary -view of metrical structure where the trigger and target of the structure building process are un- metrified elements. The most serious challenge to this view is the existence of languages which employ ternary constituents, e.g. Cayuvava, Chugach Alutiiq. These languages have been cited as evidence in arguing for a theory capable of generating ternary Feet. In a framework designed to maintain strict locality surface ternary constituents must be derived from underlying binary structures. This paper proposes a solution to this problem which relies on the ternary constituent being a complex constituent composed of a binary Foot grouped with an adjacent syllable. This constituent is not a Foot, but rather a Prosodic Word. Generating an iterative ternary Prosodic Word requires a new algorithm for building metrical structure. This algorithm builds metrical constituents in an opportunistic manner. Opportunistic building creates metrical constituents as soon as possible, instead of applying one particular structure building rule across the whole string before the next rule applies. This paper examines these issues through the metrical structures of the Alutiiq dialects described by Leer (1985a). The rich and detailed work of Leer serves admirably as a base for elucidating the issues of ternarity. Unfortunately, the ramifications of these proposals beyond the issue of ternarity can only be briefly alluded to in this paper. Length constraints do not permit me to present all aspects of these proposals in the full detail they require for their justification.

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In this paper, I discuss two rules in Chilcotin (Athapaskan), both of which involve spreading of the feature [retracted tongue root] ([rtr]). The first rule is a coronal consonant harmony rule, Sibilant Assimilation, which requires that all coronal sibilants in a word agree in their specification for [rtr). The second rule, a tongue root harmony rule called Flattening, spreads [+rtr] fresh velar segments and coronal sibilants onto neighbouring vowels. Only a subset of the [+rtr] segments which trigger Flattening undergo Sibilant Assimilation. Given the structure of the feature hierarchy, the spreading of this subset in Sibilant Assimilation is impossible without violating locality. I suggest that the theory of tree geometry be modified to accomodate this problem.

In the 1970's a major debate took place on the question of rule ordering in phonology. One group argued that the specific ordering of phonological rules, if needed at all, was always intrinsic, being predictable on the basis of universal principles. The second group, following in the tradition of Chomsky and Halle and the SOUND PATTERN OF ENGLISH, responded that these principles did not work, and that rule ordering is extrinsic, having to be stipulated in the phonologies of a number of languages. In the course of this debate, the proponents of extrinsic rule ordering sometimes argued that the analyses forced by the universal, intrinsic approach lacked insight, missed generalizations or simply did not work. Curiously, although positions were taken against extrinsic rule ordering and in favor of either simultaneous or random sequential ordering, no one to my knowledge argued in parallel fashion that the extrinsic approach lacked insight, missed generalizations, or simply did not work. In this paper I would like to present one such possible case. I shall attempt to demonstrate that in the lexical tonology of Haya, an Eastern Bantu language spoken in Tanzania, extrinsic rule ordering simply gets in the way. In section 1 I present the relevant tonal data, showing that a classical autosegmental analysis utilizing extrinsic rule ordering runs into serious problems. After showing, in section 2, that various alternative solutions involving rule ordering still fail to overcome these problems, I then consider in section 3 two possible analyses: one with simultaneous application of the three lexical tone rules in question, the other exploiting morphemic planes. I will conclude that this may be one language where simultaneous rule application is warranted. The data come from the lexical tonology of Haya, a subject that was covered in some detail in Hyman and Byarushengo (1984). For reasons of simplicity, I shall present only the underlying and lexical representations of Haya verb forms. It should be borne in mind that the forms cited in this study are subject to subsequent postlexical tone rules that are described in the Hyman and Byarushengo paper.