<p>This study explores the responses of labour in English Canada and in Quebec to the Canada - U.S. Free Trade Agreement [FTA]; to the North America Free Trade Agreement [NAFTA]; and to the neo-liberal agenda of business and (federal) government for whom labour saw free trade as "the centrepiece." The thesis challenges conventional theories, principally that labour's response to free trade is governed by economics. Rather, political outlooks are key to labour's very different responses in English Canada and Quebec.</p> <p>In the anti-FTA campaign, both union movements adopted positions of opposition, though for different reasons and with important differences in emphasis and approach. In the anti-NAFTA struggle, Quebec labour modified its opposition. It participated in the process of trying to inject a social dimension into the NAFTA's side deals, while English-Canadian labour rejected any accommodation to NAFTA, which it treated as a "conditioning framework". Neither approach worked: the side deals approved were cosmetic. However, following the 1993 election and proposals to turn NAFTA into an hemispheric agreement, English-Canadian labour came around in 1995 to the Québécois position.</p> <p>The thesis points to major errors made by English-Canadian labour including: adopting the nationalist outlook of the anti-free trade coalition it helped to build and finance, yet over which labour lost control; de-linking itself from the NDP and undermining it in two federal elections, 1988 and 1993; and limiting its options by posing free trade as a "doomsday" issue.</p> <p>The thesis also examines the connection between free trade, full employment, and independence in Quebec. The proposition is analyzed that, for Quebec labour, free trade may yet turn out to be a "liberating framework".</p> <p>The argument is developed with reference to union documents, union newspapers, and interviews with union and political leaders.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>The primary goal of the thesis is to examine the role ofthe European labour movement as</p> <p>policy coordinator at the trarisnationallevel of governance and to analyse the significance</p> <p>of labour-related collective action for the development of the Social Dimension. The first</p> <p>chapter provides a literature review outlining the obstacles that constrain labour</p> <p>organisation at the European level, as well as a description of the analytical framework</p> <p>utilised in the thesis to assess the importance of transnational labour activity for the</p> <p>Social Dimension. Chapters two and three constitute the core of the thesis, with the focus</p> <p>of analysis centred on the strategic orientation of the labour movement as both social</p> <p>partner and social movement organisation. By differentiating between the two roles,</p> <p>social partner and social movement, the thesis explores the impact of labour-related</p> <p>collective action on the European decision-making process; the distinction between</p> <p>strategies of transnational labour activity highlights the emergence of a traditional model</p> <p>oftrade unionism and alternative forms of labour organisation between trade unions and</p> <p>nongovernmental organisations. Data for the case study is drawn from primary and</p> <p>secondary sources and involves both descriptive and interpretive content analysis of</p> <p>European official documents as well as on-line databases and web pages. The findings</p> <p>suggest that the European labour movement has made significant progress in influencing</p> <p>the direction of European integration so as to include a social dimension. However,</p> <p>labour's access to the decision-making process continues to be limited by the shifting</p> <p>political opportunity structure that defines transnational governance in the European</p> <p>Union. The thesis concludes with an explanation of the broader implications of</p> <p>transnational labour-related collective activity for capital-labour relations and the policy</p> <p>making process that go beyond the boundaries of the nation-state.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>The most recent Latin American debt crisis is a fascinating political phenomenon because it demonstrates very convincingly the complexity of the relationship between economics and politics. The rapid growth of u.s. commercial bank lending to Latin American governments in the 1970s helped to make many banks vulnerable to the decisions of Latin American government officials. Given that many of the most vulnerable banks were also the largest in the American and international financial systems, the u.s. government had an understandable interest in devising means and goals to manage the situation once the Mexican financial crisis unfolded in 1982. The goals and means chosen over the next several years reflected a special consideration for the largest American commercial banks, and clear apathy for the interest of other American and Latin American interests. To understand the choices made by U.S. government officials, one has to understand the relationship between the American government and u.s. commercial banks in general, and with the largest u.s. commercial banks in particular.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>An examination of the fiscal structure of municipal governments, particularly in the Province of Ontario, reveals a pattern of development contrary to the perceived norm. The role of senior governmental transfers in reducing the dominance of property taxation as a total municipal revenue source has long been recognized. However, the belief exists, even among governmental officials, that property taxation remains the predominant source of total municipal own source revenue.</p> <p>Analysis of municipal revenue sources shows that property taxation, even as a municipal own source revenue, has declined significantly. This decline is partially a result of increases in municipal own source revenues derived from user fees. This development has been largely unrecognized in the Province of Ontario, partly as a response to a previous study that was based on a questionable interpretation of municipal government in the structure of local government.</p> <p>This study has examined user fees based on their theoretical development and their current and future importance. Particular attention is centered on a selected group of Ontario municipalities and on sewerage and certain recreational services in these municipalities. It is shown, that while the utilization of user fees has become fairly extensive, this has often occurred inconsistently among, and even within, municipalities.</p> <p>In Ontario, user fees represent an opportunity for municipalities to attain real local autonomy in addressing particular issues of their communities. User fees have become a vital source of revenue to Ontario municipalities. However, while user fees· are generally applied in keeping with the principles of average cost pricing, there remain issues, regarding the types of costs targeted for recovery, which need to be addressed.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>Steady and rising rates of unemployment continue to be a fundamental policy problem to the federal and provincial governments in Canada As a result, business and labour interests in conjunction with the federal and provincial governments have begun to formulate and implement labour adjustment policy, specifically training, through sectoral corporatist adjustment boards. The resulting 'success' of these corporatist initiatives remains too premature to analyse, however, the viability of the structures currently in place are a cogent basis for analysis. This thesis seeks to sketch out what structural viability for sectoral based corporatist adjustment boards looks like and how structural variables may be an indication of future policy success or failure. Finally, this thesis attempts to answer the following research hypothesis: can the labour market partners design consensus based governance structures that permit cooperation in the formulation and implementation of training policies and programs? The research hypothesis will be answered through the mysis of three sectoral based corporatist initiatives in the steel, electrical and electronics and automotive parts manufacturing sectors.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>This qualitative study was conducted to determine the validity of Streeck and Schmitter's (1991) argument that pluralism is the dominant form of interest intermediation at the European Community level. This thesis tests their hypothesis by examining the organization of agricultural interests at the Community level.</p> <p>The thesis establishes that agricultural interests continue to participate in a corporatist style of policy making at the national level.</p> <p>Secondly, the qualitative analysis enables us to conclude that a corporatist style framework does exist at the Community level.</p> <p>Thirdly, Streeck and Schmitter's (1991) argument that the Community and its structures contribute to a pluralist organization of interest groups, must be qualified when applied to the organization of agricultural interests at the Community level.</p> <p>Corporatism does exist in this particular policy sector at the Community level, but it is weaker than that found at the national level.</p> <p>The analysis focused on negotiation of the Blair House Agreement in November 1992. The case study highlighted the disintegration of authority from the time the negotiations were completed, to the period following the French Parliamentary elections of 1993.</p> <p>The case study highlights the fragile nature of corporatist arrangements at the Community level. While the thesis demonstrates that corporatism has been replicated to the Community level, it illustrates the real limits to the development of corporatism at the Community level due to the continued prevalence of national interests.</p> <p>The thesis points to a need for further research as to the nature of policy networks, and how the type of policy network can change depending on the policy sector, and the issue at hand. It raises further questions as to the validity of Streeck and Schmitter's (1991) argument when applied to other policy sectors.</p> <p>Furthermore, the existence of differing levels of corporatism both at the national level, and between individual member states should be further examined. This thesis also contributed to our knowledge of corporatism by analyzing the role national corporatism and indeed transnational corporatism played in encouraging national interests, thereby ensuring the fragility of corporatism transnationally.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>Much contemporary literature argues that the need for profit in capitalist market economies places limits upon the socio-economic development of society. This thesis will seek to explore the limitations the need for profit places upon the activities within the production process. This will be carried out through an examination of the occupational health and safety issue. Through this examination it is argued that the need for profit severely limits the extent to which capital and labour can comprehensively address the increasing incidence of hazards in the workplace. In fact, it will be argued that the need for profit not o~ly constrains the resolution of occupational health and safety hazards, but it is also implicated in the inadvertant introduction of these hazards.</p> <p>In addressing this question the thesis first examines the way in which the need for profit restructures the labour process and leads to the inadvertant introduction of hazards into the workplace. Having examined this it is argued that because of the nature of the capitalist market economy. both capitalist3 and labour are constrained in the action they can take to overcome the presence of hazards in the workplace. Further it is suggest that the state may be best equipped to fulfill this role.</p> <p>The thesis then provides an analysis of the way in which the Government of Ontario has historically addressed the occupational health l and safety issue. This thesis examines the Ontario Factory Acts, the Workers' Compensation Act and the governments most recent attempt of eradicating workplace hazards - the Occupational Health and Safety Act. It is argued that the Occupational Health and Safety Act is a partial response to the government's previous failure to reduce hazardous work conditions. Finally, it is argued that the state is in fact limited and constrained by the very same factor capital and labour are affected by, namely the need for the constant expansion of profit.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>This thesis uses the land claim of the Teme-Augama Anishnabai in Northern Ontario to explain why some land claims endure over decades with no apparent solution in sight. A neo-institutionalist framework, drawing heavily on the work of March and Olsen, focuses the study on the institutions of the Canadian state and the decision-making processes contained therein. Realizing that adjudication and negotiation represent two very distinct decision-making processes, the thesis explains why each process has been unable to effectively deal with some aboriginal land claims. To help explain these failures, the concept of cultural imprint is introduced. Cultural imprint refers to the values that a particular culture may imbue into institutions. This thesis also recognizes that comprehensive land claims (a claim based on aboriginal title) constitute a unique demand on institutions. Such claims suggest that a consensual relationship between aboriginal peoples and non-aboriginal society does not exist. Thus comprehensive land claims are interpreted as exogenous demands on the state. In this context adjudication is concluded to be an inherently inferior process when it is confronted with comprehensive land claims. Although negotiation is considered to be the more desirable process, the current structure of the negotiation process is completely inadequate in Canada. The thesis concludes that some land claims will not be resolved until an improved negotiation process, where aboriginal peoples can bargain as equals, is established.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>The main aim of this thesis is to assess the nature and the development of the boundary dispute between China and the Soviet Union in the 1970s. Dealing with the historical, military, diplomatic and academic aspects of the dispute, it attempts to illuminate the linkages between national interests and ideological inclination and the effect of the conflict on the overall relations between the two great powers.</p> <p>It examines in a systematic way the Sino-Soviet border negotiations and outlines both the political rationalizations and the bargaining positions of the two sides. A special section is devoted to the "disputed areas" along the Sino-Soviet border, and three maps prepared by the Chinese scholars regarding boundary changes between the two countries are presented. In the author's opinion, the frontier conflict is the most important issue that continue to undermine relations between China and the Soviet Union.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>The social, economic, and cultural aspects of the "Malay problem" has received attention at the expense of political issues. There are glaring differences in perspectives on the sources of the Malay problem; however, the debate on the Malay problem has tended to attribute the source of "Malay weakness" to Malay culture or personality. As a consequence, there is a huge gap in the literature on the politics of the Singapore Malays; this thesis will focus on the political aspects of the Singapore Malay community. Whereas the administration views Malay cultural values as an obstruction to the acculturation of the Singapore Malays with "modem" functional values which encourage the acquisitive spirit and subsequently, the aspiration for economic success, the Malays argue that the problems afflicting the community extends into the political sphere. For the Malays, political issues are as significant and pressing as are the non-political aspects of their relative social, economic, and political weakness. This thesis examines the nature of the political difficulties afflicting the Singapore Malays in light of these conflicting views on the issue, by placing the study within the context of the political environment in order to explicate the impact and implications of that environment on the Malay problem. Both the political environment as well as the willingness and ability of the Malays to seize opportunities provided by that environment, are key variables in the issue of Malay political marginality.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)