In 1968, Samuel Huntington hypothesized in his well- known book, Political Order in Changing Societies, that stability of the state in monarchical regimes of the developing countries depends on the balance between the necessity to centralize power in order to modernize, and the necessity to decentralize it in order to assimilate into the system the new groups that have been produced by the modernization process. After examining all the possible choices available to the state, Huntington concluded that violence and change of the state were inevitable outcomes. Comparative tests of several variables with respect to five stable and five unstable monarchical states showed no support for Huntington's hypothesis, but did show some support for the role of high violence, low government coerciveness, high land and income inequality, and involvement in external conflict in the instability of the state in monarchical regimes. It was found that monarchical states that experienced three or more destabilizing factors all at the same time were very likely to be unstable (Iran, Cambodia, Ethiopia), whereas those that experienced two destabilizing factors or less, were more likely to be stable (Morocco, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Nepal) unless there was a family coup (Afghanistan), or the monarch had expressed his desire to abdicate (Libya). However, in the case when a stable monarchical state experiences more than two destabilizing factors (Jordan), leadership characteristics play a big role in stability of the state, such as the skill to expand political participation and still be able to maintain legitimacy, and the skill to balance reform with government coercion.

Dyadic power theory proposes that the speed of power-ratio change between two nations predicts to both the onset of war and alliance formation. The speed of power-ratio change is measured utilizing the concepts of velocity and acceleration. It is posited that decision-makers perceive high velocity change and/or high acceleration of change in the power-ratio between them and a potential adversary as threatening. The lack of reaction time encourages the decision-makers to act in non-traditional ways. Thus, they opt for hostilities or alliance partners rather than utilize traditional diplomatic measures such as "summits", conferences, protests, etc. The independent variables of national power were provided by Jacek Kugler in private correspondence, and the dependent variables of alliances and wars were selected from data-sets compiled by Singer and Small. Dyadic changes in power previous to these events were then correlated with the events, themselves. Moderate support for the theory was obtained. Although there was little correlation between acceleration of power-ratio change and either event, there were moderate correlations between average velocity of change and the event, suggesting that decision-makers react precipitously to rapidly changing conditions vis-a-vis potential adversaries. The findings suggest that future studies that will isolate such factors as size of nation, century of event, contiguity, and even type of political system of the adversaries or partners are warranted.

The main thrust of this research is to explore Mao Zedong's world view from his youth to Yanan (1941), a relatively neglected period in academic circles. A thorough examination of Mao's writings, speeches and behaviors is believed the most complete and systematic discussion on the subject. The findings, through the analysis moving from vertical to horizontal, from micro to macro, from concrete to abstract, have bridged the gap in our knowledge. Two interrelated hypotheses are suggested at the outset: (1) Mao had built up a long-time international sense and perspective since he was very young, (2) Mao had shaped his own world view during the defined period at both concrete and abstract levels. They have gained factual and logical validation. A chronological, periodized, and overall outlook portrays Mao as a lively world observer, an enthusiastic commentator, and a bold predictor. Mao's judgments, inferences, and perceptions, whether accurate or erroneous, were the reflection of the connection between the real (objective) world and Mao's mental (subjective) world, either concordant or discrepant. Mao's subjective world was composed of various elements, mainly, nationalist mentality, revolutionary interest and values, historical and cultural heritages, and personal experiences and characteristics. Mao's perceptions of the world as a whole and his images of the major powers, especially Mao's relations with Soviet Union, provide a concrete framework of his world view at empirical basis. A macro analysis of world view-related three groups of concepts (foreign affairs related concepts, famous revolutionary concepts and philosophical concepts) offers abstract principles of Mao's world view at conceptual level. His belief of "understanding the world and changing the world" shows distinctive philosophical ground. Mao's preference of change, struggle, unevenness, and flexibility had particular significance for featuring his world view. Four intellectual sources contributed to Mao's world view, such as: older Chinese traditions, the newly emerged tradition in modern China, western thought and learning, and Marxism-Leninism. Each of them functioned to influence Mao's world view in one way or another. Mao proved to be an eclectic with the label of sinicized Marxism.

My dissertation provides an analysis of how conservative California Republicans, after a disastrous drubbing at the polls in 1958, eventually seized the reins of the party from the state's moderates, who had long controlled it. Using vituperative polemics against the "tyrannical" policies of the "liberal establishment," the conservatives overcame their longstanding "extremist" image in 1966 and achieved their greatest success in the election of Ronald Reagan as governor. While I am concerned with prominent figures such as Reagan and Barry Goldwater, my larger interest is in the movement behind these individuals and the political culture in which it thrived. I also assess the extent to which the struggle between liberals and conservatives in the Golden State both reflected and influenced the national debate over the direction of the country's domestic and foreign policies. Southern California, particularly Los Angeles and Orange counties, was the stronghold of Republican conservatism. My analysis, therefore, focuses on these two counties, but within the broader context of state and national politics. Ultimately, the California conservative movement proved to be a harbinger of the shift to the right in public opinion throughout the nation in the latter half of the 1960s, especially in regard to the issues of race and federal spending. Thus, the state's Republican Right played a pivotal role in bringing about a conservative era which arguably still prevails.

Do NGOs tend to operate more like activists in a transnational civil society or more like competitors in a transnational marketplace? This dissertation represents a preliminary attempt to understand the extent to which NGOs interact with one another through transnational networks in their efforts to assist and protect internally displaced persons (IDPs) in conflict and post-conflict settings. So far, the concept of the transnational advocacy network has served largely as a metaphor. This dissertation represents a significant contribution to our understanding of transnational relations by offering the first empirical examination of the structure of these networks. By applying the theoretical framework offered by resource dependence theory to the question of NGO interaction, this dissertation offers an alternative view of transnational relations. I first present original network data representing the transnational advocacy network of NGOs along with the state agencies, UN agencies and other organizations involved in providing assistance and protection to IDPs in Azerbaijan in 2010. These data will demonstrate that (1) transnational actors do network around specific campaigns, but (2) this does not necessarily mean that NGOs are collaborating with one another or acting as the central actors in these networks. I next analyze original network data modeling the extent to which inter-NGO collaboration exists among NGOs responding to 29 separate cases of protracted internal displacement. These data will provide support for my argument that NGOs tend to follow a strategy of resource dependence rather than resource mobilization in their strategic networking behaviors. Finally, I will examine the variation in the cohesion among these 29 potential inter-NGO networks and suggest conditions which underlie greater inter-NGO collaboration. I find that only in cases of a real or perceived threat to the NGO-sector as a whole, specifically a legal environment that is not conducive to the functioning of the nonprofit sector, is extensive inter-NGO collaboration likely to occur. The data suggest that a hostile legal environment is necessary and sufficient for extensive inter-NGO collaboration.

<p>In this dissertation, I advance a new interpretation of Montesquieu's Spirit of the Laws. I argue that his liberal constitutionalism and his political anti-universalism are theoretically harmonious and mutually reinforcing elements of his political philosophy. But because Montesquieu's thought is a species of the genus known as liberal theory, this interpretation of his thought also advances a theoretical and normative thesis: Liberal theory is not inherently or necessarily allied with projects of political universalism but rather possesses in-built resources for critiquing, educating and even resisting such projects. The dissertation makes this case through a critical analysis of Montesquieu's Spirit of the Laws, its sources and its legacy. The unity of Montesquieu's political philosophy becomes evident as we consider the ancient and modern intellectual influences and rhetorical purposes of his political particularism; his regime-pluralist understanding of political freedom and moderation; his account of liberal political culture; his treatment of political and social change; and the legacy of his liberal particularism in the work of Rousseau, Burke, Constant and Mill. As I suggest, this study represents a contribution to contemporary debates concerning liberal democracy's global career and a challenge to common understandings of the essential character of modern liberalism.</p> / Dissertation

As part of post-war developments and the new political dispensation after a regime change in 1994, South Africa regained its international stature on the continent and further afield. Based on its phenomenal political recovery, and resourcefulness and capacity (though both limited), the post-apartheid South African government has pledged and is therefore expected to help develop the African continent. This commitment is well mirrored in its foreign policy, which strives for regional and African recovery and seeks to champion the cause of the South at large. Since 1994, South Africa has played a critical role in Africa. On multilateral grounds, the country has been preponderant in the development of SADC, the AU and other African multilateral institutions. For this research, three areas of development were considered: human rights, peace and security, and trade relations. Its human rights role, although mired in controversy â accusations of befriending and defending human rights abusers â has been fairly significant, at least on paper. With regard to peace and security, South Africa continues its peacekeeping efforts in several African countries by devoting its resources to peace missions under SADC, the AU and the UN. Notwithstanding the perceived aggressiveness in its asymmetrical trade relations with the rest of the region, South Africa has contributed largely to continental economic development through its foreign direct investment. It is against the background of its continental foreign policy and actual role that this research attempts to investigate whether South Africa is a partner or hegemon on the continent. This facet of South Africaâs post-1994 foreign policy towards and its role in Africa has been widely debated by political observers. Some political commentators contend that South Africa is a continental partner while others conclude it is just a selfish hegemon and a âbullyâ. Moreover, due to its post-1994 role on the continent, others suggest South Africa shares characteristics of both a partner and a selfish hegemon. This assertion particularly subscribes to the view that while South Africa may claim to be a partner, it is in reality seen to be an aggressive hegemon in its trade relations with the region; a viewpoint reinforced by the fact that South Africa, lying somewhere between the developed and developing worlds, should primarily be regarded as an emerging, middle-income country.

This dissertation examines the impact of Fyodor Dostoevsky and Friedrich Nietzsche on the development of Albert Camus political philosophy. The innovation of the present study is in the attempt to offer a substantive examination of Camus dialogue with Nietzsche and Dostoevsky. To the extent that connections between these writers have been discussed, it has been in the general context of modern thought or it has focused on overlapping literary themes. This project emphasizes the political dimensions of these connections. In addition to re-interpreting Camus political thought, the aim is to clarify Camus struggle with transcendence and to bring renewed attention to his unique understanding of the relationship between nihilism, ideology, and political violence in the twentieth century. I focus on Camus dialogue with Nietzsche and Dostoevsky for three reasons. First, these are the thinkers with whom Camus is most engaged. Indeed the problems and themes of Camus work are largely defined by Dostoevsky and Nietzsche; a full account of this dialogue will therefore enhance our understanding of Camus while also reinforcing the enduring importance of Nietzsche and Dostoevsky. Second, it allows me to recast Camus political philosophy as both a synthesis of and a response to Nietzsche and Dostoevskys projects. Finally, I believe this approach allows for a re-assessment of Camus broader political significance, which I contend has been undervalued in the literature. Ultimately, I argue that Camus remains among the most important moral and political voices of the twentieth century. Although limited, his philosophy of revolt offers a humane portrait of justice and articulates a meaningful alternative to the extremes of ideological politics.

This thesis first critically analyzes John Rawls?s second principle of justice as a democratic conception of equality and the challenge posed to that conception by Ronald Dworkin?s 'Equality of Resources. ' Democratic equality is defended over luck egalitarianism as an articulation of liberal egalitarianism. However, where Rawls deems social primary goods to be unconditionally regulated by institutions, Rawls is largely silent about the fair assignment of costs and burdens that correspond to the fair provision of opportunities and primary goods. Dworkin?s notion of 'opportunity costs' is argued to improve on the role of responsibility in democratic egalitarianism by making clear that the provision of primary goods creates costs and burdens within a system of social cooperation. The second section illustrates this argument by considering claims to self-government by Canadian Aboriginals. By formulating a distributive criterion that treats Aboriginal self-government as a primary good, I show that claims of culture and identity can be resolved responsibly within the framework of distributive justice.

The responsiveness of government agencies to elected officials is a central question in democratic governance. While important scholarship has demonstrated that elected officials have tools they can successfully implement to encourage agency responsiveness, there is little empirical work on the effect of structure on political control. In a series of three papers, I fill that gap in the literature by examining the structural features that make certain agencies more or less responsive to their political principals. First, I develop new estimates of structural independence based on new data on 50 different structural features of 321 federal agencies in the federal executive establishment. Second, I examine federal executives own perceptions about their agencies responsiveness to political principals and find that an agency faced with multiple missions will prioritize presidential policy demands over those of Congress. Finally, I find that agencies that are insulated from political review are less likely to comply with statutory deadlines and often delay in providing Congress with information regarding agency policy. Considered together, these three papers suggest that variation in agency structure across the bureaucracy influences bureaucratic responsiveness to democratically elected officials.