No description available.

No description available.

No description available.

No description available.

No description available.

This research project investigates black cognitive structuring of their residential environment in the Grahamstown location. A clinical psychological method (repertory grid method) was used to elicit the construct systems of residents. The associative construct theory formulated by Kelly (1955) was used in interpreting the data set from the liberal perspective. The radical perspective demonstrated an alternative interpretation. A focus of the study centres around the possible implications of this type of research for planning action. The results showed that the repertory grid did appear to accurately reflect people's construing systems regarding their circumstances and behaviour. However, Kelly's (1955) Personal Construct Theory proved inadequate as a theory of explanation as to why people construed in the manner they did. To enhance this explanation, the marxist approach to the theory of knowledge was investigated.

This mini thesis proposes that the Dance Factory in Ne'Ntown, Johannesburg, is a site of resistance. Its source and motivation are the personal, artistic and socio-poIiticaI sites ofresistance to mainstream forms of dance with nationalistic tendencies and to dominant ideological hegemonies that enforced apartheid or nationalism. Therefore, these sites or resistance are examined prior to and after the democratisation of South African culture. An analysis of the dances choreographed in this period of transition and changing hegemonies reveal shifts of resistance. These are traced within the development of the Dance Factory. Chapter one explores the notion of resistance as a form of power and the notion of site, where the operations of power evoke resistance. Three sites of resistance within South African dance culture are identified and examined. These are the Dance Factory, the artistic site of dance and the site of the dancing body. The chapter reveals the development of these sites in a changed culture and notes a re-orientation of resistance within dance, namely Afro-fusion, and the subsequent development and emergence of 'alternative' sites of resistance. These reveal new expressionistic tendencies, body politics and the feminist strategies of 'new poetics' and 'ecriture feminine'. The codified mainstream forms of dance, subject to nationalistic strategies of dassicism and its inherent Iogocentricity are challenged and destabilised by the emergence of these altemative resistant forms of dance. Chapter two examines the artistic policies of the Nationalist Govemment, the African National Congress and the Dance Factory from 1983-1997. It notes the effects of the changes in the artistic policies on sites of resistance in dance, performed at the Dance Factory. The chapter desaibes the development of the Dance Factory, its policies of diversification as a strategy of resistance, its promotion of praxis, its resistance to nationalism and the ramifications thereof. It also explores the effects of a governmentalisation of culture and the role of the organic intellectual within the Dance Factory. An analysis of the alternative dance work 'Torso-Tongue" in chapter three furthers the argument that the Dance Factory maintains and encourages the changing sites of resistance in dance. This analysis demonstrates the resistant aspects of dance as discussed in chapter one and thereby confirms the aims and missions of the Dance Factory. The thesis examines the role of the Dance Factory as it develops, nurtures and responds to the shifts in resistance and changes in culture and dance. Most importantly the thesis exposes the resistance to and the effects of an imposition of a nationalistic ideology on dance. The resultant resistance to this form of domination is explored in dance within the site of the Dance Factory, thus supporting the premise that the Dance Factory is a site of resistance.

No description available.

This study is an exploratory assessment of the role of private radio stations in promoting participatory democracy in Lesotho. It seeks to describe the current situation of the role of radio in the country, including levels of rural development programming and community participation. There are eight private radio stations operating in the country. The emergence of the liberalised airwaves created an opportunity for people to have access to information, hence promotion of participatory democracy, though problem of freedom of expression and speech and absence of media policy hinders positive effective participation in issues affecting both journalists and society. The study will use a survey within the purposely selected media professionals to assess how citizens obtain and use information to make informed political choices as well as to measure the influence of private radio stations on political knowledge, attitudes and behavior. The field research will take place in the capital Maseru, where all the private radio stations are based. This will enable the researcher to draw inferences about the role of private radio stations and participatory democracy in Lesotho. The study explores changes that have occurred following the emergence of liberalisation of the radio airwaves in Lesotho from 1994, from almost a century of state owned and dominated national radio station. The central argument in this study is to establish if liberalisation of the airwaves in particular has a significant impact on the democratisation process in the country. Given the country’s limited literacy rate and historic role of broadcast media in Lesotho as a source of all major official information, private radio stations occupies a central role of mobilising and debating issues of national concern. The study, therefore, concludes that the emergence of the private radio stations in Lesotho has increased community participation in political and current affairs. The coverage of radio in the country and its pluralistic character suggest that the private radio stations will remain a crucial broadcast medium of communication in Lesotho, especially for the rural people whose access to television and print are inaccessible.

The purpose of this study was to investigate the causes and the ramifications of the political conflict in Ivory Coast from 2002 to 2009. A purposive sampling was used to select fourteen respondents. Qualitative methodology was used for the study. The data collection instruments were semi-structured interview questions, open-ended Semi-structured questionnaire and documentary analysis. The analysed data revealed that the causes of the conflict were: competition for scarce resources, bad governance, media incitement, xenophobia, incessant political power struggle and the proliferation of small fire arms entering the country. The effects experienced during the conflict were human rights violation, destruction of property including UN premises and displaced people both internally and externally. Some recommendations made include: Efforts should be made by the Government to strengthen good relationship among different ethnic groups and help them adapt to new challenges that confront democratic developments in the country. The Government should organise the South African style of Truth and Reconciliation Commission to revisit the horrors of the past in order to heal wounds and prevent future occurance of the conflict. Employment opportunities and other income generationg ventures for Ivorian should be created by the Government by attracting local and foreign investors. The numerous rebels should be given special skills training in other for them to be able to live among the communities in Ivory Coast. Government of national unity should be encouraged in situation like this. ECOWAS as well as AU should make sure that when disarmament instituted, it should be done properly. They should always monitor it and not to allow the arms to get into the country again. It is the hope of the researcher that this study makes a contribution towards the prevention of similar conflicts in Africa in the future.