This is an empirical study of communal conflict in Lebanon from a Sunnite Muslim perspective. First, the conventional wisdom of the Lebanese conflict is tested. Conventional wisdom emphasizes Sunnite closeness to the Palestinians, their strong affiliation with Syria, identification with pan-Arabism and their lack of allegiance to the State of Lebanon. Second, the examination of the analytical hypotheses derives from Western group theoretical approaches. Group theory stresses the importance of socioeconomic status, interaction patterns, as well as, types of participation (political and non-political), exposure to the mass media and religious factors in determining intergroup hostility or closeness. / The data collected for the purposes of this study came from 415 Lebanese Sunnite Muslim residents in the city of Sidon, Lebanon. The survey was conducted by means of the simple random selection process. Surveying, which involved three interviews, took place between January and March 1980. / The findings suggest that the conventional wisdom of the Lebanese conflict is a myth. The overwhelming majority of the respondents do not indicate their approval of the Palestinian military presence in Lebanon. In general, Sunnites indicate lack of warmth to the Palestinian population in the country. Sunnite attachment to Syria, their pan-Arabism and non-allegiance to the Lebanese state are not supported by the data. Western group hypotheses are neither fully supported by the data. While socioeconomic status, education and interaction appear to be important determinants of group closeness/hostility, exposure to the mass media, cross-cutting cleavages, and personal efficacy are not. The study is concluded by an evaluation of the conventional wisdom hypotheses and western group theory. The relevance of western group theory, as well as the feasibility of its use in a third world setting are discussed. Finally, suggestions for future research are provided. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 41-11, Section: A, page: 4824. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1980.

This research examines the extent to which variations in economic inequality affect variations in political processes and governmental spending in society. In order to address this research problem, a general and parsimonious model is developed by examining data from three distinct political units of analysis: American cities; American states; and nations. Thus, the model attempts to determine in a comparative fashion the extent to which patterns of relationships may be said to persist at multiple levels of analysis. / The general theory underlying the analysis suggests that the degree of economic inequality is generally a product of the level of social and economic heterogeneity and development. The degree of economic inequality, operationalized as inequality of income and inequality of property, affects the level of political competition, the degree of electoral participation, and the extent to which a single party dominates elections, independently of factors which lead to economic inequality. Finally, the level of economic inequality and the consequent political processes exert direct influences on the level of government expenditures. / The empirical analysis employs three data sets to examine the theoretical model. The first consists of a set of 171 of the largest central cities of Standard Metropolitan Statistical Areas in the United States. The second consists of a set of the 50 American states. The third consists of a set of 67 developing and developed nations. Analysis of the model is based on bivariate and multivariate statistics. / The empirical analysis finds that few general patterns emerge from applying the model across units of analysis. The consistent patterns which exist can be summarized as follows: (1) Fairly consistent relationships emerge from a parsimonious model of the determinants of both income and property inequality; and (2) economic inequality, especially inequality of income, consistently decreases the level of participation across all units. There seems to be an additional tendency for income inequality to be more influential on political processes than is property inequality. Property inequality, however, seems to play a greater role in determining public expenditures than does income inequality. / The findings suggest that inequality affects competition and partisanship differently across units. Nevertheless, several additional findings are important. These findings can best be summarized by unit of analysis. / American cities - Income inequality reduces support for Democrat candidates, reduces competition, and reduces participation. Property inequality exhibits the same general pattern of relationships as does income inequality. Property inequality shows a much more pronounced tendency to reduce expenditures than does income inequality. / American states - Income inequality increases Democratic partisanship, reduces participation, and reduces competition. Property inequality has virtually no effect on Democratic partisanship, but reduces electoral participation, and increases competition. Both income and property inequality constitute strong forces increasing state expenditures. / Nations - Income inequality increases leftist partisan domination of elections, increases competition, and decreases participation. Property inequality increases leftist partisanship, decreases participation, and reduces competition. Income inequality consistently reduces expenditures and property inequality reduces expenditures for functions other than national defense. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 41-02, Section: A, page: 0788. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1979.

The research is an attempt to empirically evaluate a number of questions pertaining to the voting behavior of U.S. senators. To that end, the activities of all 212 senators who served complete terms between 1958 and 1976 are examined. / The first set of related hypotheses can be represented: The voting behavior of U.S. senators, measured on a liberal/conservative dimension, will tend to change immediately prior to their reelection effort. The hypothesis is tested by predicting the direction of sixth-year change on the part of senators, and comparing that predicted change to the direction and magnitude of actual change. Partisan affiliation is used as the predictor of direction of change based on the fact that reelection-seeking Democrats tend to face challengers who are (perceived as being) more conservative than themselves, and Republicans tend to face those who are more liberal. The data indicate that for Democrats who seek reelection, the sixth year of their terms is when they exhibit the most conservative voting behavior: significantly, the fifth year is the next most conservative. Conversely, reelection-seeking Republicans are most liberal in their terms' last year, with the fifth year almost as liberal. These sixth-year differences are statistically significant, for both partisan groups, with p (LESSTHEQ) .005. / Retiring senators do not display this ideological metamorphosis. Retiring Republicans become more conservative in the sixth year than they had been previously: Democrats become more liberal. / The data also reveal a positive relationship (among reelection-seekers), between the level of perceived electoral risk and the magnitude of sixth-year change. / The subsequent hypotheses suggest a positive relationship between senatorial and constituent conservatism. For reelection-seekers, the relationship is notably strong: for Democrats, r = .74, for Republicans, .64. For senators of both parties, the statistical relationship is palpably weaker for retirees. / We find that reelection-seekers participate in rollcalls significantly more often than retirees. Also, among reelection-seeking senators, unwillingness to indicate positions on issues increases significantly in the sixth year. / In conclusion, senators occasionally vote contrary to constituency preferences, especially early in the term, when constituents are less attentive. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 42-11, Section: A, page: 4922. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1981.

The political and historical writings of Niccolo Machiavelli have been subjected to intense scrutiny. Yet, in the face of a body of work that has provoked such commentary, Machiavelli's greatest comedy, the Mandragola, has been limited to literary analysis and brief political commentary. / Specifically, interpretations of the Mandragola have simply stressed the translation of realpolitik in The Prince into the terms of erotic intrigue and sexual farce in the Mandragola. This type of mapping by correspondences between genres has proved the interchangeability of seduction and conspiracy that makes politics ubiquitous in Machiavelli's work, but has not properly considered Machiavelli's intent on deriving the "verita effettuale della cosa." / Because the Mandragola reveals in comic form as significant a commentary on the political and human condition as The Prince, an extended study of the Mandragola is appropriate. Not only is the Mandragola subject to the same laws that govern the world of The Prince, but to penetrate the farce of the Mandragola will reveal a comic angle of vision that not only questions and challenges the political and social values of Renaissance society, but, like The Prince, carries with it tragic implications inherent in Machiavelli's conception of political foundation. / This dissertation consists of two main parts: the first part emphasizes the political works of Machiavelli, especially The Prince and The Discourses, and their relationship to the ideas of political foundation and maintenance; the second part concentrates on the Mandragola, especially the politically dark side of the comedy that pierces its comic trappings. Finally, it is proffered that the Mandragola may in fact go beyond Machiavelli's political presentments to suggest a more sobering world view that acknowledges farce and tragedy as interchangeable aspects of universal history itself. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 46-04, Section: A, page: 1077. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1985.

The purpose of this research was to construct a plausible model for the significant determinants of political instability and its nature in the Arab World. The period of the study was from 1960-1977. The indicators of all the concerned variables were entered into a factor analysis program, (SPSS, 1976). The factor scores were generated from the SPSS program, for each year for each country. An average factor score was generated for each country, which reflects the degree of political instability for each of the studied countries. The findings were interesting in that there was more than one model discovered. In fact, there were four. The first model composes the Turmoil component of the concept of political instability. The second model composes the Elite Struggle component of the political instability. The third model composes the Frequency of Executive Turnover component of the political instability. They were called PI1, PI2, PI3, and the combined model for all the three, CPI. The hypotheses were examined and the following results were stated: The first hypothesis was not supported by the study. However, the second hypothesis was supported. Furthermore, neither the third hypothesis nor the fourth (I) hypothesis was supported by the study. However, the fourth (II) was supported. The fifth and sixth were not supported. / Finally, these models represent the economic, political and, I believe, social reality of the Arab World. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 49-12, Section: A, page: 3857. / Major Professor: Charles Billings. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1988.

Since 1978, China has issued a series of reform and opening policies to develop its economy and attract foreign capital. The purpose is to re-orient China's central planned economy toward a state regulated market economy so that China will be able to become a strong economic power by the next century. The economic re-orientation and policy changes in a country with one billion people are unprecedented. / In the process of the economic reform, the State Council (Central Government) formulates general principles and guide lines while most of the different reform policies are made by authorities of China's different municipalities, provinces, and autonomous regions. Policy changes were first initiated in the coastal areas and gradually spread to the other parts of China. Therefore, many differences exist in the forms of policies and degree of the reform. / The diversity of economic reform among these jurisdictions provides an opportunity for comparative policy study and analyses. This research is designed to show how policy changes by economic reform influences economic performance, and then cause changes in social benefits in the early stage of China's economic reform from 1978 to 1986. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 50-12, Section: A, page: 4083. / Major Professor: Thomas R. Dye. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1989.

The primary goal of this study is to assess the policymaking role which state supreme courts play in state political systems. Cases involving judicial review of state laws decided in the supreme courts of all fifty states are examined. Levels of judicial review opportunity and activism are compared across state supreme courts. State-level factors associated with judicial review opportunity and activism are analyzed. / Docket control is associated with higher levels of judicial review opportunity. Constitutional complexity and docket control are associated with higher levels of judicial review activism. / The types of statutes challenged and declared unconstitutional most often are examined in order to determine the areas of law which are most controversial and unsettled, and the areas in which state supreme courts are most willing to engage in judicial review activism. The impact of constitutional cues on judicial review activism is also analyzed. / Criminal laws are challenged most often, but overturned least often. Civil liberties and inter-governmental result in higher rates of invalidation. Cases decided on the basis of state constitutional grounds result in laws being declared unconstitutional more often than those based on other grounds. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 50-05, Section: A, page: 1421. / Major Professor: Henry R. Glick. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1989.

This research is guided by two overarching questions. First, why do publics in West European nations support environmental organizations? And second, what is the effect of environmental group support on economically based partisan orientations? In order to address these questions, we analyze public opinion surveys (1982-1986) in Germany, France, Great Britain and the Netherlands. / The findings suggest that European publics give considerable support to environmental organizations in these four nations. The two factors which are particularly strongly related to environmental group support are postmaterial value priorities and the perception of national pollution problems. Moreover, environmentalism is integrated into a well structured schema which guides the evaluation of environmentally related information. / Considerable variations across nations emerge in regard to the link between citizens' partisanship and environmental group support. In Germany and the Netherlands, environmentalism provides the basis for new partisan cleavage. Individuals who evaluate environmental groups favorably are much more likely to support New left or Old left parties. In contrast to these two nations, citizens' partisanship in France and Great Britain is dominated by economic policy positions; environmental group support is only weakly linked to individuals' partisan choice. These findings suggest that environmentalism will be an important influence on European public opinion and party systems in the forseeable future. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 50-06, Section: A, page: 1789. / Major Professor: Russell J. Dalton. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1989.

The goal of this study is to investigate the distribution of a number of fundamental social values prevailing in Korean society which fall along a traditional/modern dimension broadly defined, and analyze the relationship between these social values and a variety of political attitudes. Specifically, this study explores conflicting values among social groups or strata in terms of an ideal type of a traditional-modern dimension: authoritarianism-libertarianism, traditional vs. modern customs and morals, particularism-universalism, and parochialism-cosmopolitanism. This study also examines the major characteristics of Korean peoples' political orientations. Lastly, this study evaluates the effects of the traditional and/or modern Korean social values on political orientations. / Our value cleavage model of political attitudes has basically proposed: Since political attitudes and behavior are only one aspect of social attitudes and behavior, an examination of the general social value system is an essential condition in explaining and understanding peoples' political attitudes and behavior; without a well institutionalized party system and political opposition, values assume a dominant role in stimulating the potential for involvement in politics, especially in rapidly changing societies like Korea. / The major findings are as follows. Youngsters and more educated people generally showed more modern value orientations than oldsters and less educated counterparts. Those residing in more modernized areas (i.e., urban) held more modern social values than those in less modernized areas (i.e., rural). People holding modern values exhibited higher levels of political interest and political discussion. Modern values were also associated with a decline in the levels of nationalistic feeling (level of pride in and willingness to fight for country) and a support for the opposition parties. Meanwhile, libertarians were more likely to give the negative evaluations to government performance than authoritarians. Libertarian values were also associated with a decline in the level of system support, more cynical towards their institution and political leaders, and more favor protest activity. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 50-03, Section: A, page: 0784. / Major Professor: Scott C. Flanagan. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1989.

Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 32-12, Section: A, page: 7061. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1967.