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Public opinion and federal budget policy in Canada : 1995-2001 /McCarvill, Mark, January 1900 (has links)
Thesis (M.A.) - Carleton University, 2003. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 87-91). Also available in electronic format on the Internet.
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Misrecognized materialists : social movements in Canadian constitutional politics, 1938-1992James, Matt 11 1900 (has links)
Although Ronald Inglehart's New Politics theory has attracted criticism, its influential
distinction between materialist and postmaterialist values tends to go unquestioned. The
influence of this distinction is particularly apparent when analysts interpret the "new"
social movement emphasis on esteem and belonging as a "postmaterialist" departure from
a traditional, or "materialist" focus on security. This way of understanding contemporary
feminist and ethnocultural-minority movements is misleading because it rests on a onedimensional
view of esteem and belonging. By treating esteem and belonging as
expressive, which is to say as purely aesthetic or psychological goods, New Politics
obscures the instrumental significance of esteem and belonging for movements that
represent traditionally, marginalized constituencies.
This work undertakes a qualitative study of the participation of national socialmovement
organizations, "old" and "new," in Canadian constitutional politics. The
analysis is based on these actors' presentations to parliamentary hearings and royal
commissions on major constitution-related issues between the years 1938 and 1992.
Above all, the study illustrates what New Politics theory neglects: the instrumental
role of social esteem and civic belonging as bases of voice and self-defence. I argue that
attending to this role can help analysts to understand better the postwar politics of
recognition. The work develops this argument in three major ways. First, I demonstrate
the instrumental importance of esteem and belonging for the mid-century traditional left.
Second, I show that problems of misrecognition and disesteem presented feminists and
ethnocultural minorities with severe difficulties in garnering a meaningful hearing for their
security needs. Third, I analyze the discursive ways in which postwar "new" movement
participants came to pursue forms of respect that had proved elusive in the past.
The work's overall conclusion is this: the material nature of the politics of
recognition is demonstrated by the extent to which increased esteem and belonging for
traditionally disrespected groups has been paralleled by an expanded menu of recognized
security concerns. The study's major message follows from this conclusion: because
struggles over esteem and belonging have crucial material stakes, they should not be
contrasted a priori with struggles that may appear to target questions of security more
directly.
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Mars casts his ballot: men and the gender gap in Canadian electionsSteele, Andrew Morgan 05 1900 (has links)
This study argues that previous investigations of the gender gap have concentrated
almost exclusively on the behaviour of women voters and have underestimated the electoral
significance of men. Employing public opinion surveys and rational choice theory of coalitions,
it contends that men's voting behaviour is a key factor in modern elections and that by
investigating male voters as people affected by their gender, the gender gap can be better
explained. The study finds that the relative importance of the gender gap in Canada may be
declining as parties contending to form the government display less gender division in their
support, and significant gender differences in the 1997 election are found only in the more
extreme parties, like the New Democratic Party and, especially, the Reform Party. Significant
gender-related support for the Liberal Party is found to be concentrated in the Trudeau era. The
gender gap in Reform Party support is attributed to differences over capitalism, feminism and
the use of force. A theoretical model of gender block behaviour is developed using rational
choice theory, and the power of the male voting block is demonstrated. Cohesion, elasticity,
positioning, size and turnout are identified as important measures of block power, with cohesion
and elasticity the most important variable in the gender gap. The gender gap is shown to not be
an automatic advantage for women, and that sometimes it works against women's interests. The
final chapter discusses the effect of situational and socialisation constraints on attitutudes
towards violence, 'masculinized opportunity' and the reactionary backlash against feminism.
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Misrecognized materialists : social movements in Canadian constitutional politics, 1938-1992James, Matt 11 1900 (has links)
Although Ronald Inglehart's New Politics theory has attracted criticism, its influential
distinction between materialist and postmaterialist values tends to go unquestioned. The
influence of this distinction is particularly apparent when analysts interpret the "new"
social movement emphasis on esteem and belonging as a "postmaterialist" departure from
a traditional, or "materialist" focus on security. This way of understanding contemporary
feminist and ethnocultural-minority movements is misleading because it rests on a onedimensional
view of esteem and belonging. By treating esteem and belonging as
expressive, which is to say as purely aesthetic or psychological goods, New Politics
obscures the instrumental significance of esteem and belonging for movements that
represent traditionally, marginalized constituencies.
This work undertakes a qualitative study of the participation of national socialmovement
organizations, "old" and "new," in Canadian constitutional politics. The
analysis is based on these actors' presentations to parliamentary hearings and royal
commissions on major constitution-related issues between the years 1938 and 1992.
Above all, the study illustrates what New Politics theory neglects: the instrumental
role of social esteem and civic belonging as bases of voice and self-defence. I argue that
attending to this role can help analysts to understand better the postwar politics of
recognition. The work develops this argument in three major ways. First, I demonstrate
the instrumental importance of esteem and belonging for the mid-century traditional left.
Second, I show that problems of misrecognition and disesteem presented feminists and
ethnocultural minorities with severe difficulties in garnering a meaningful hearing for their
security needs. Third, I analyze the discursive ways in which postwar "new" movement
participants came to pursue forms of respect that had proved elusive in the past.
The work's overall conclusion is this: the material nature of the politics of
recognition is demonstrated by the extent to which increased esteem and belonging for
traditionally disrespected groups has been paralleled by an expanded menu of recognized
security concerns. The study's major message follows from this conclusion: because
struggles over esteem and belonging have crucial material stakes, they should not be
contrasted a priori with struggles that may appear to target questions of security more
directly. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate
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Mars casts his ballot: men and the gender gap in Canadian electionsSteele, Andrew Morgan 05 1900 (has links)
This study argues that previous investigations of the gender gap have concentrated
almost exclusively on the behaviour of women voters and have underestimated the electoral
significance of men. Employing public opinion surveys and rational choice theory of coalitions,
it contends that men's voting behaviour is a key factor in modern elections and that by
investigating male voters as people affected by their gender, the gender gap can be better
explained. The study finds that the relative importance of the gender gap in Canada may be
declining as parties contending to form the government display less gender division in their
support, and significant gender differences in the 1997 election are found only in the more
extreme parties, like the New Democratic Party and, especially, the Reform Party. Significant
gender-related support for the Liberal Party is found to be concentrated in the Trudeau era. The
gender gap in Reform Party support is attributed to differences over capitalism, feminism and
the use of force. A theoretical model of gender block behaviour is developed using rational
choice theory, and the power of the male voting block is demonstrated. Cohesion, elasticity,
positioning, size and turnout are identified as important measures of block power, with cohesion
and elasticity the most important variable in the gender gap. The gender gap is shown to not be
an automatic advantage for women, and that sometimes it works against women's interests. The
final chapter discusses the effect of situational and socialisation constraints on attitutudes
towards violence, 'masculinized opportunity' and the reactionary backlash against feminism. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate
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Heterogeneity in political decision-making : the nature, sources, extent, dynamics, and consequences of interpersonal differences in coefficient strengthFournier, Patrick 11 1900 (has links)
There is mounting evidence that the public's political decisional processes are heterogeneous
(Rivers, 1988; Sniderman, Brody & Tetlock, 1991; and Johnston, Blais, Gidengil & Nevitte, 1996).
All citizens do not reason the same way about politics: they rely on different considerations, or they
give different weights to similar considerations. However, our understanding of this phenomenon
remains sketchy, in many regards. I address the conceptual and empirical ambiguity by exploring
the nature, the sources, the extent, the consequences, and the campaign dynamics of interpersonal
heterogeneity in political decision-making. The analysis relies on Canadian and American public
opinion survey data.
The evidence reveals that heterogeneity is a very important phenomenon. Relationships
between dependent and explanatory variables are rarely stable and consistent across the entire
population. Most political decisions (especially the more common ones) and most independent
variables exhibit interpersonal diversity in coefficient strength. Hypothesis-testing and explanationbuilding
can be led astray if researchers limit their analyses to the whole citizenry. Normatively,
heterogeneity is responsible for individual and aggregate deviations from enlightened preferences.
Heterogeneity, however, is a very complex phenomenon. One can not deal with it in any
simple way. A researcher can not simply capture it, take it into account, and move on to other
concerns. Heterogeneity permeates through our models of political behaviour in significant,
pervasive and perplexing ways.
This research raises concerns about the complexity of political behaviour and our ability to
understand citizens, campaigns, elections, and democracy. The world is not a simple,
straightforward and easily comprehensible subject. It is much more intricate and difficult to grasp
than we currently believe. In order to understand reality, our approaches, theories, and models need
to be as complex and multidimensional as reality. Striving for oversimplification can only lead to
misconceptions and fallacies.
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Heterogeneity in political decision-making : the nature, sources, extent, dynamics, and consequences of interpersonal differences in coefficient strengthFournier, Patrick 11 1900 (has links)
There is mounting evidence that the public's political decisional processes are heterogeneous
(Rivers, 1988; Sniderman, Brody & Tetlock, 1991; and Johnston, Blais, Gidengil & Nevitte, 1996).
All citizens do not reason the same way about politics: they rely on different considerations, or they
give different weights to similar considerations. However, our understanding of this phenomenon
remains sketchy, in many regards. I address the conceptual and empirical ambiguity by exploring
the nature, the sources, the extent, the consequences, and the campaign dynamics of interpersonal
heterogeneity in political decision-making. The analysis relies on Canadian and American public
opinion survey data.
The evidence reveals that heterogeneity is a very important phenomenon. Relationships
between dependent and explanatory variables are rarely stable and consistent across the entire
population. Most political decisions (especially the more common ones) and most independent
variables exhibit interpersonal diversity in coefficient strength. Hypothesis-testing and explanationbuilding
can be led astray if researchers limit their analyses to the whole citizenry. Normatively,
heterogeneity is responsible for individual and aggregate deviations from enlightened preferences.
Heterogeneity, however, is a very complex phenomenon. One can not deal with it in any
simple way. A researcher can not simply capture it, take it into account, and move on to other
concerns. Heterogeneity permeates through our models of political behaviour in significant,
pervasive and perplexing ways.
This research raises concerns about the complexity of political behaviour and our ability to
understand citizens, campaigns, elections, and democracy. The world is not a simple,
straightforward and easily comprehensible subject. It is much more intricate and difficult to grasp
than we currently believe. In order to understand reality, our approaches, theories, and models need
to be as complex and multidimensional as reality. Striving for oversimplification can only lead to
misconceptions and fallacies. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate
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