<p>This thesis is a discussion of the issue of public support for education. Educators in contemporary North America are finding it increasingly difficult to attract public dollars to educational institutions. Life in modern society is highly complex and specialized. It is unlikely that all people can become proficient in all activities that are vital for sustaining our way of living. Consequently, it is unlikely that the general public can come to anything but a vague understanding about most of the practices in our educational institutions. A central question emerges: How can educators persuade the general public to provide resources for specialized services that the average person can only have a vague understanding of? Those concerned about the issue of public support for education can look to recent American history for an example of a time when the public enthusiastically supported educational institutions. After the launch of the Soviet satellite "Sputnik" on October 4, 1957, there was an outpouring of public support for education in the United States. When considering this event, the historical observer is confronted by a perplexing consideration: What is the relationship between Sputnik and support for education in the United States? The thesis begins with an examination of Plato's Republic in order to outline a special connection that Socrates makes between education and war. According to Socrates' argument, if the average citizen is persuaded that education is readily and directly applicable to the attempt to provide the conditions under which the city will be better fortified against enemies, then the city will support educational activities of which they have no precise understanding, The discussion in Plato's Republic of the connection between education and war is a theoretical backdrop against which the flourishing of educational institutions during the post-Sputnik era can be examined, Plato's Republic helps modem readers to recognize the significance of evidence demonstrating that American pride and fear over the increasing technological and scientific capacity of their ideological rivals resulted in unprecedented public support for educational institutions.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>The main objective of this thesis is to examine the role of the Catholic Church in transition to democracy in Chile, Brazil, Spain and Poland. The main question under examination is whether the Catholic Church in these countries promoted or impeded the process of democratic conversion and consolidation. In an attempt to measure the Church's political influence during and following the democratic transformation four variables were examined. The selected variables were: abortion, divorce, education and constitutional amendments. The analysis revealed that the extent to which the Catholic hierarchy was able to impact these issues depended on the local context in each state. However, the main conclusion that can be reached is that the Catholic Church does not pose a serious obstacle to further consolidation of democracy in each of the countries examined. Moreover, the larger question of the appropriate conduct of church-state relations in a democratic system is considered. One of the main conclusions that could be drawn from this study is that a presence of a strong religious institution does not necessarily hinder democracy. Instead, cooperation between the church and state is acceptable, and even desirable, as long as two conditions are met. First, all citizens must be guaranteed full religious freedom. Second, the dominant religious institution cannot impose its version of the 'good life' on the rest of society.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>Despite the complexity of the Polish August, political idealism stands out as the most pervasive and pressing influence on Polish society during that period. Moreover, the Polish crisis fits a pattern in Polish history which has been dominant since the 18th century. Ever since the partitions, the Poles have had to make certain assumptions about their political dilemma. The focal point of the political debate in Poland has centred on combating foreign oppression. Therefore, the great divide in Polish political thought has characteristically been between two opposing schools of thought. On the one side, the political idealists, or the "romantics", as the Poles call them. On the other side, the political realists, or the "positivists". This division cuts through various social and political groupings and tends to split the Poles between those who advocate independence as a first priority and those who advocate organic work. Because of the pivotal role played by these two competing forces in Polish history, they have been able to bring into their ranks the different political groups with varied ideologies that have existed in Poland over time. While Poland, like other nations, has been divided on internal social reform, the division between the idealists and realists is still the most dominant feature of Polish politics. The dynamics of the competition between the realists and idealists has produced a characteristic cyclical rhythm in Polish politics, where one of the two groups would gain the confidence of the Polish people and then, for some reason, lose it to the other. By the end of 1981, and especially after the Solidarity Congress in October, political idealism had become the guiding force. The Poles were unwilling to moderate both their desire for extensive economic and political reforms and their historical dream of Polish independence.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>The purpose of this thesis was to examine the impact and the effectiveness of the sanctions imposed on Iraq, and to determine whether the impact prompted Iraqi compliance with the goals of the sanctioning coalition. This thesis argues that although Iraq was an ideal target and the impact on the country was indeed calamitous, this has not induced the effects desired by the sanctioning coalition. The punitive nature of the sanctions, in conjunction with the ambitious agenda outlined by the sanctioning coalition have prevented Iraq from complying with the goals of the sanctions. By indefinitely prolonging the sanctions, the Iraqi population continues to suffer from insufficient food and medicine, while the Iraqi regime remains impervious to the sanctioning coalition's demands. The Iraqi case study has provided strong evidence that the premise underlying international economic sanctions is false; sanctions should not be imposed under the assumption that increasing the damage to the population will induce compliance.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>The principal focus of this thesis is the examination of revolutionary processes in colonial Vietnam from a theoretical perspective. This involves the critical assessment of the predominant universal or holistic approaches to revolution and the analysis of subtheoretical models of revolution that have been applied to colonial Vietnam. The critique of these conceptual frameworks is examined in the context of the historical development of the Vietnamese revolution. This is followed by an attempt to merge the salient components of two models providing conceptual tools that offer a more convincing explanation of the Vietnamese revolution in its colonial context. This includes three components. First, the world-historical and international dimension of Theda Skocpol's socio-historical approach, which permits a more focused emphasis on the development and nature of the revolutionary movement and the important factors affecting the emergence of revolutionary situations. Second, Charles Tilly's group conflict model adds another important theoretical component by emphasizing the attributes and relationships of revolutionary groups that influence the degree to which revolutionary situations may be exploited. Finally, the concept of ideology and its role in revolutionary process is included in both theoretical frameworks. The combination of the socio-historical and group conflict approaches, with the inclusion of an ideological dimension, is applied to colonial Vietnam and attempts to demonstrate the potential explanatory capacity of this form of syncretic model building.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>This thesis is focused on Canadian policy towards Cuba from 1959 to 1984. The research is developed in such a way as to achieve three major objectives. 1) To explain and account for the controversial Canadian-Cuban relationship as it evolved during the period under study. 2) To examine the detrimental effects of this relationship on Canadian-American relations. 3) To use the Cuban case study to establish whether Canada has been conducting an "independent" foreign policy with Cuba and to see how far Canada can deviate from vital American foreign policy objectives before encountering elements of American displeasure and possible punishing political and economic retaliation. The main underlying argument in the thesis is that Canada, contrary to the premises of the dependency theorists, does have a well-developed capacity to follow a distinctive foreign policy. One which is both independent from America's and conducted exclusively in the better interests of Canada and Canadians. The Cuban case study is used to develop and expand on this theme while remaining conscious of the fact that policies are not created in a vacuum but are subject to changing constraints and limitations. One important constraint in this case was Canada's long-standing relationship with the United States at a time when both nations chose to conduct very different policies in dealing with Cuba's revolutionary regime. This thesis therefore reiterates the geopolitical reality that Canada must often walk a fine line when dealing with countries hostile to America. The task in these cases is to attempt to develop distinctiveness while maintaining the vital "special relationship" forged with Washington over many years. The Cuban case study provides a good illustration of this ongoing balancing act as it describes the various phases the Canada-Cuba relationship experienced during twenty-five years of life in the shadow of the American- Cuban feud.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>Comparable worth legislation is designed to remedy what its proponents perceive to be the systematic and entrenched under-valuation of the labour of those who work in occupations in which women predominate. Comparable worth legislation would mandate equal pay for certain jobs within an establishment judged by some standard as of equivalent value, absent certain sanctioned exceptions. After outlining the major points at issue in the comparable worth debate, this thesis looks at the argument that current practice in labour markets engenders or perpetuates a discriminatory condition harmful to certain groups. It then argues that the conceptual heart of the pay equity advocacy is an attack on the market as a pricing vehicle in the name of a theory of distributive justice heavily reliant on the concept of desert.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>Historians argue that Confederation was the result of pragmatic and self-interested politics at work in the British North American colonies. Confederation is not considered as having a philosophical dimension. Is it possible that the Canadian founders could have drafted a constitution devoid of any political philosophy? This thesis argues that the Constitution Act, 1867, formerly known as the British North America Act, 1867 is consistent with if not remarkably similar to the liberal political philosophy of John Locke. The thesis argues that the 1867 Constitution Act is compatible with Locke's prescription for government as found in his Second Treatise of Government. The thesis finds consistency between the Act and the Second Treatise in the relationship between the executive and legislative branches of government. The thesis finds consistency between the Constitution Act and Locke's Letter Concerning Toleration, as pertains to rights to religious minority education. The Constitution Act protects the Lockean right not to be taxed without representation. The thesis examines the Constitution Act's residual clause, known as the "p.a.G.G. power," and finds compatibility with Locke. The thesis concludes by comparing contemporary Canadian constitutionalism with the Lockean liberalism in the 1867 Constitution Act. The thesis does not argue that the founders were Lockean in their thinking or their intent when they drafted the 1867 Constitution Act. Rather than seek a causal relationship better left to historians of ideas, the thesis restricts its focus to questions of philosophical correlation.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>The collapse of the Soviet Union has challenged Marxist political theory. Many people saw the collapse of the Soviet Union as a defeat of Marxism. Most scholars of Political Theory realize that Lenin did not follow Marxist writings. However, most still consider Lenin as predominately a Marxist. This thesis will examine the source of Lenin's ideas on Class, the Party, and the Revolution, and will trace these differences with Marx to chernyshevsky, Tkachev, and Nechaev. It will irrustrate the extent of the influence of Lenin's Russian, non-Marxist, predecessors. Lenin did indeed study and adopt aspects of Marxism, but he differed with him in some important areas, particularly Class, the Party, and the Revolution. Marx, writing in western Europe, sought human emancipation, while Lenin, in backward, autocratic Russia, sought political emancipation from the Tsarist autocracy. This resulted in differences between the thought and writings of Lenin and Marx.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>This thesis explores the often-troubled relationship between the US and the USSR during the period 1945-1984. Interjected into this relationship has been a juggernaut- like nuclear strategic arms race that seemingly defies control an potentially threatens the destruction of the entire world. it has, in effect, created a mutual hostage relationship which neither superpower seems capable of resolving. Also, to be examined are the effects that possession of such nuclear weapons by the superpowers has had on the reordering of the post World War II world. Each, it will be pointed out, had its own messianic goals and negative stereotype images of the other which were characterized by high levels of fear, mistrust and misperceptions. Both superpowers have come to regard nuclear weapons not only as instruments of unimaginable mass destructive capabilities; but also as political-psychological weapons, whose threatened use alone, often-times, is sufficient to achieve certain political goals. Moreover efforts at achieving significant nuclear strategic arms control have, to date, been relatively ineffective. In the absence of such agreements, crisis management principles continue to be stresses in order to avoid any destabilizing superpower confrontation. Time, however, is running out. The US and the USSR must choose to accept mutual co-existence and significant nuclear strategic arms control or face the danger of worldwide nuclear annihilation. A political solution is deemed to be the only way out of this grave problem. Potentially, complex computers and telecommunications networks threaten to usurp control over their nuclear deterrents. The study argues that absolute control must remain in the hands of he respective national political leaders.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)