Against the background of Nigeria’s substantial rise in oil income, under three distinct chapters, this thesis analysed poverty mobility, inequality, and developments in oil industry. Given that the rate of progress against poverty is considered to be an increasing function of growth (Ravallion and Chen, 1997; Ravallion, 2001; Dollar and Kraay, 2002, 2016); and based on documented evidence on the negative effect of oil intensity on growth, it is hypothesized that: (a) ‘resource-curse’ makes it harder to grow the economy (e.g Gelb (1988) and associates, Sachs and Warner (1995, 1997, 2001), Auty (2001); Gylfason (2011; 2001), and Sala-i-Martin and Subranmanian (2013)); (b) inequality is growth-impeding and also make it harder for the growth that occurs to help poor people (Ravallion, 2007). Therefore, the presence of ‘resource-curse’ and the high level of inequality in Nigeria could explain the country’s inability to address its rising poverty incidence, given its enournous oil wealth. In other words growth drives poverty reduction. Growth is crowded-out by ‘resource-curse’ (or oil intensity). Therefore oil intensity harms poverty reduction. To provide the contexts for these hypotheses, we open the thesis by clearly laying out, in Chapters 1 and 2, the groundwork for the analyses that follow: respectively, general introduction, and review of relevant literature. We analyse the evolution of welfare of households according to the demographics of the household heads in Chapter 3. In Chapters 4, 5 and 6, we asked the following questions and try to address the questions using original survey data on Nigeria and aggregate-level data on oil-related variables. What is the current extent of poverty and inequality in Nigeria? How have these evolved through the years? Is there micro-based evidence of the ‘curse-effect’ of oil on the average living standards of households in the country? Since a static poverty profile understates the extent of poverty, in Chapter 3, we construct and used a synthetic panel to measure poverty dynamics (i.e. the rates of poverty transitions, movement in and out of poverty or individual poverty experiences through time) in the country. In addition, we model the determinants of poverty dynamics using Censored Least Absolute Deviation (CLAD) estimator. The chapter produces evidence that there were more transitions [into] than exits from poverty over 1980-2010; and, as a result, absolute poverty incidence has risen by nearly four-fold over the period. We also find evidence that much of the observed poverty in Nigeria is chronic than transient and the determinants of transient and chronic poverty are not congruent. For instance, the dummy coefficient for households living in oil producing states indicate stronger impact on transient than chronic poverty. Finally, drawing on six sweeps of household surveys of Nigeria that together span 1980–2010 with a pooled sample size of about 97,000 households and data on Nigeria’s age-gender-specific life expectancy from the World Health Organization, this paper shows that about 72 percent to 91 percent of Nigeria’s poor are at risk of spending their entire life below the poverty line. To show this, I estimate the duration of poverty spells and link this to the average age of the poor and to the life expectancy. I find that the poor are expected to escape poverty at the age of 85.46 years on average. However, there is heterogeneity in the exit time, with the transient poor averaging 3–7 years below the poverty line and the chronically poor averaging 37 years or more. Given these exit times and life expectancy, the mean age of the poor at their expected time of escaping poverty exceeds the average life expectancy, meaning some of the poor are not guaranteed to escape poverty in their remaining lifetime. The implication is that growth in Nigeria has not been sufficient nor has it demonstrated the potential to help the poor break free from poverty. However, like Brazil, Nigeria can significantly reduce poverty without absolute reliance on economic growth by reducing its high inflation rate and substantially expanding its social security and social assistance transfers. In Chapter 5, using household surveys of Nigeria, we link and analyse the evolution of poverty in Nigeria to the response of poverty to growth. In particular, we test two hypotheses [put forward by earlier studies]: (i) "Growth is still good for the poor" - (Dollar, Kleineberg, & Kraay, 2016); (ii)" Inequality is bad for the poor" - (Ravallion and Chan, 2007). In a two-fold aim, we estimate the various measures of distribution in order to see how inequality has evolved over 1980-2010 on one hand, and link this evolution to the response of poverty to growth, on the other. Based on the findings, our measures of distribution are all in agreement that Nigeria is less unequal in 2010 than it was in 1980. This decline in inequality, we found, was partly driven by contractions in average living standards, 'pro-poor' growth during 1996-2004 and redistribution of welfare among the non-poor rather than, as expected, redistribution between the non-poor and the poor. Also, we found that the changing pattern of inequality has mitigated the impact of contraction on the poor and in another period, countervailed the gains of growth that should have accrued to the poor. We investigate in Chapter 6, at a micro-level, the hypothesis that the abundance of natural resources (e.g. oil) exerts a depressing effect on growth. Instead of growth in GDP per capita, growth in PCE was used as the LHS variable in the growth regression. Because the surveys in Nigeria are not panel, we follow Deaton (1985) to construct a pseudo panel for the above exercise. This chapter did not find – as far as our leading measures of oil intensity are concerned – negative effects of changes in oil intensity on changes in household consumption. However, growth in the country’s oil revenue is found to be growth-impeding in household consumption. For instance, based on our POLS (FE) results, a 1% rise in real oil revenue is associated with decline in per capita expenditure of households by 0.35%. The impact of the variable that measures oil output (in barrels) per person per day, is negative both for POLS and FE estimations and significant at 1% levels. This result has two implications. First, the country’s population size has been growing at a rate faster than the output from oil, i.e the country’s major source of revenue. More clearly, the more Nigerians there are, for every barrel of crude produced per day, the slower the growth in household welfare. Precisely, if the number of citizens for every barrel of crude produced per day grows by 100%, household welfare will decline by 52%. We provide general policy conclusion in Chapter 7.

Land and land reform have long been contentious and highly charged topics in South Africa, with land performing the dual functions of redress for the past and development for the future. This research explores both these aspects of land, with the focus being on the impact of land receipt on household welfare and food insecurity, and social preferences for fairness and redistribution more generally. One of the main aims is to contribute to the land reform debate by providing previously-lacking quantitative evidence on the aggregate welfare outcomes of land redistribution, as well as the extent of social preferences for redistribution in the land restitution framework. In exploring these issues, the welfare outcomes of land are first explored using the National Income Dynamics Study (NIDS) data and unconditional quantile regression analysis. The focus is then narrowed to the food insecurity impact of land receipt, beginning with a methodological chapter outlining the development of a new food insecurity index applying the Alkire-Foster method of multidimensional poverty measurement (2009; 2011). This is followed by the presentation and discussion of food insecurity profiles of land beneficiary and non-beneficiary households. The new index is also used as an outcome measure in exploring the determinants of household food insecurity. These two sections again use the NIDS data. The final section shifts the emphasis from the economic welfare benefits of land redistribution to notions of fairness and social justice encapsulated by land restitution. A behavioural laboratory experiment is used to investigate social preferences for fairness, and the factors that influence redistributive inclinations, by exploring the relative weights placed on fairness considerations and self-interest, as well as the fairness ideal. The findings indicate that beneficiaries do not use the land received for productive purposes, a possible explanation for the limited economic welfare impacts of land reform that are observed. Despite this limited developmental impact, the laboratory experiment makes it clear that land reform plays an important role in addressing other needs and wants in society, particularly in respect of preferences for fairness and addressing historical injustices.

South Africa is food secure at the national level; however widespread food insecurity persists at the household level. To understand the dynamics of micro-level food insecurity this dissertation investigates how two different aspects of 'food access' - diet quality and diet quantity - affect two outcomes of 'food utilisation' - hunger and nutrition. Diet quantity is captured by food expenditure in Wave 1 of the National Income Dynamics Study (NIDS). To capture diet quality I use dietary diversity, which is not directly available in NIDS. I build and test a food group dietary diversity score and a food variety dietary diversity score using NIDS Wave 1. Both dietary diversity indicators are found to usefully summarise information about food security in South Africa by using methods found in the dietary diversity literature. The dissertation then turns to testing whether the theoretical differences between diet quality and quantity play out empirically in the case of nutrition (adult BMI) and hunger (self-reported household hunger). The results reveal that food variety and food quantity are complementary in explaining the chance of household hunger, with food quantity having a slightly more important effect. The pathways to BMI differ by gender. Dietary diversity and food expenditure are substitutes in the case of male BMI; however, food variety and food expenditure are complementary to explaining female BMI when food expenditure enters into the model as a quadratic. Overall, food variety proved to be a stronger and more significant correlate of both outcomes than the food group dietary diversity score.

Malaysian politics has long been dominated by tensions arising out of inter-ethnic inequality. However, economic policy in the earlier years of independence took a laissez-faire approach. Following the racial riots in 1969, there was a re-think on policy and the New Economic Policy (NEP) was promulgated in 1970. The underlying objective of the policy was to achieve national unity, which entailed improving the economic and social status of the Malay (Bumiputera) community visa-vis the non-Malays (non-Bumiputeras), especially the Chinese. The policy also attempted to transfer ownership of industries to the Malay (Bumiputera) community to develop a capitalist economy under the control of the Malay (Bumiputera) ethnic group. This study argues that, whilst the policy was successful at the outset in generating economic growth and reducing poverty, especially in the rural areas, it became obsolete even for that narrow purpose. The exclusive focus of the policy on inter-ethnic inequality made it insensitive to the problem of intra-Malay inequality. Due to the very success of NEP in the earlier years, the Malay community has become less homogeneous and cross-cutting cleavages have begun to emerge. Also, Malay tolerance of intra-Malay inequality has begun to erode. Many of Malaysia's current economic and political problems can be explained by the failure of income redistribution policy to reflect these changes within the Malay community. The argument is presented here using an analysis of the trends in income distribution. The required data are obtained from the literature and also from the Malaysian Family Life Survey (MFLS).

This thesis presents five standalone essays that demonstrate the feasibility and utility of employing advanced analytic techniques to cross-sectional data from Indonesia in order to deal with some technical challenges typically encountered either in the estimation of social gradient in health or in the monitoring and evaluation of well-being as a multidimensional construct. The first essay estimates the causal effect of poverty on mental health by exploiting a natural experiment induced by weather variability across 440 districts in the Indonesian archipelago. The second essay applies parametric anchoring vignette methodology to investigate the extent to which the estimates of demographic and socio-economic inequalities in self-rated health are biased by survey respondents' differential reporting behaviour. The third essay formally assesses the existence and identifies the social determinants of the double burden of malnutrition in Indonesia using a variant of a generalised linear mixed model. The fourth essay maps the social and spatial distributions of malaria in 27 districts in Indonesian Papua using a probabilistic disease mapping technique that is capable of accounting for the complex dependency structure of spatially-correlated multilevel data. The fifth essay examines the extent and patterns of multidimensional poverty in Indonesia over the last decade using a novel poverty measurement method that is sensitive to both the incidence and intensity of multiple deprivations in income, health and education domains. Together, these essays show that although health and social researchers in the developing world have little choice but to conduct cross-sectional studies, new insights can sometimes be gained if one is willing to look at existing data through a new lens. In all five cases presented here, this approach is proved to be useful in shaping practical policy-making.

This thesis addresses the question, whether the impact of financial development on the relative and absolute indicators of poverty is dependent on the levels of the human capital present in an economy. To answer this question, first we develop a theoretical framework to explain the growth process in the context of financial development assuming that human capital is heterogeneous in terms of the skills and education people have. Then, by using the data sets based on five-year averages over 1960-2010 and 1980-2010, covering 107 developed and developing countries, we empirically investigate the extensions of the theoretical framework developed earlier. These extensions cover the relationships between: 1. Income inequality and economic growth 2. Financial development, human capital and income inequality, and 3. Financial development, human capital and poverty We provide empirical evidence using modern panel data techniques of dynamic and static GMM. The findings elucidate that income inequality and economic growth are inter-dependent on each other. There exists an inverse relationship between initial inequality and economic growth. The changes in income inequality follow the pattern identified by Kuznets (1955) known as Kuznets’ hypothesis. The results also show that financial development helps in reducing income inequalities and in alleviating poverty, only when there is a sufficient level of human capital available. On the basis of our findings we develop the term "effective financial development" which means that financial development is effective in accelerating growth levels, reducing income inequalities and alleviating poverty only if there is a sufficient level of human capital available. The empirical study covers multiple aspects of financial development like private credit extended by banks and other financial institutions, liquid liabilities and stock market capitalization. The results of the empirical investigations are robust to multiple data sets and various indicators of income inequality, financial development, poverty and human capital. The study also provides marginal analysis, which helps in understanding the impact of financial development on inequality and poverty at different levels of human capital. This research study of effective financial development can be a useful learning paradigm for the academics and researchers interested in growth economics and keen to learn how poverty and income inequality can be reduced effectively. This study can also be useful for the policy makers in the financial institutions, because it provides robust empirical evidence that shows that financial development cannot help in alleviating poverty and in reducing inequalities unless there is a sufficient level of human capital available. The findings can be useful for policy makers, particularly in the developing countries where high levels of income inequalities and poverty are big problems. This study explains the mechanism of how effective financial development can be used to reduce income inequalities and to alleviate poverty. It also explains the process of inter-linkages between financial development, human capital, inequality, economic growth and financial instability. The policy makers can also take advantage from the marginal analyses that illustrate the minimum levels of private credit and primary and secondary schooling above which the effects of financial development and human capital become significant in reducing inequalities and poverty.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-22T17:26:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ARMINDO.pdf: 1192077 bytes, checksum: 06920b1a66021b819c1b13ef0621ed3b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-09-13 / This work was guided by the study of the policies of small scale financing, which, if well implemented, can represent an alternative to fighting poverty and social inequality, because through them we can bring economic development to the poor. In this work, we approach the goal, the key question, the guiding questions, the investigative method and the nature and structure of the research. Additionally, the social reality of the development of the Capitalist Way of Production (CWP) is exposed and presents the Micro entrepreneurship as one possible alternative for facing this reality. The development consists of three chapters, in which the first indicates the system of credit to small entrepreneurs as a viable tool to combat poverty and social inequality. The second chapter addresses the micro and small enterprises and social issues, emphasizing the potential for generating employment and income of these companies as well as their difficulties. In the third chapter, "The Credit for the Micro entrepreneur and Social Inequality , discusses the policies of credit for micro entrepreneurs deployed in the country, addressing, among other things, the legislation that regulates credit programs to small entrepreneur, the main obstacles to their development and deployment, key initiatives and also the support needed for the proper performance of programs in the country. A reference to solidarity finance and small scale credit is made, spanning their definitions, brief history of micro entrepreneurship and articulating them to the legacy of Professor Yunus with the creation and operation of the Grameen Bank. The characteristics of the adopted policies, from the Grameen Bank, which resulted in success and an example for the world economy are also discussed. The credit to small entrepreneur is seen from the perspective of credit unions and community banks, which deal with poor people's access to credit as a mean of reducing social inequality, thus making the link between the system of credit to small entrepreneurs and poverty alleviation and social and economic inequality in the country. In this chapter, poverty and social inequality are focused from the postulate of Amartya Sen, because according to the author, the use of freedom as an agent for change is about incentives for credit access. At last, the results which this very research proposed are exposed / Este trabalho foi norteado pelo estudo das políticas de financiamento de pequena monta, que, se bem implantadas, podem representar uma alternativa para o combate à pobreza e à desigualdade social, pois através delas pode-se levar o desenvolvimento econômico à população pobre. Na apresentação deste estudo, são abordados o objetivo, a questão-chave, as questões norteadoras, o método investigativo e a natureza e estruturação da pesquisa. Além disso, expõe-se a realidade social decorrente do desenvolvimento do Modo de Produção Capitalista (MPC) e se apresenta o microempreendedorismo como uma das possíveis alternativas de enfrentamento dessa realidade. O desenvolvimento é constituído por três capítulos, em que o primeiro aponta o sistema de crédito ao pequeno empreendedor como uma ferramenta viável de combate à pobreza e à desigualdade social. O segundo capítulo aborda as micro e pequenas empresas e a questão social, enfatizando a potencialidade de geração de trabalho e renda dessas empresas, bem como as suas dificuldades. No terceiro capítulo, O Crédito para o Microempreendedor e a Desigualdade Social , discute-se a política de crédito aos microempreendedores implantada no país, abordando-se, entre outros aspectos, a legislação vigente que regulamenta os programas de crédito ao microempreendedor, os principais obstáculos à implantação e desenvolvimento deles, as principais iniciativas e também os apoios necessários ao bom desempenho dos programas no país. Faz-se, ainda, referência às finanças solidárias e ao crédito de pequena monta, perpassando as suas definições, breve histórico do micro empreendedorismo e os articulando ao legado do professor Yunus, com a criação e funcionamento do Grameen Bank. As características das políticas adotadas, a partir do Grammen Bank, que resultaram em sucesso e exemplo para o mundo econômico são também discorridas. O crédito ao microempreendedor é visto sob a ótica das cooperativas de crédito e dos bancos comunitários, que tratam o acesso das pessoas pobres ao crédito como forma de diminuir a desigualdade social, fazendo, dessa forma, o elo entre o sistema de crédito ao pequeno empreendedor e a diminuição da pobreza e desigualdade social e econômica no país. Nesse capítulo, a pobreza e a desigualdade social são focalizadas a partir do postulado de Amartya Sen, pois, segundo o autor, o uso da liberdade como agente para mudanças trata-se de incentivos para o acesso ao crédito. Nas considerações finais, são expostos os resultados a que a presente pesquisa se propôs

Apesar de serem países fronteiriços- o Uruguai tendo sido parte do Império do Brasil e guardando características que o aproximaria da região Sul brasileira- quando analisados sob o prisma da desigualdade social e da pobreza, e também sob a luz do papel que historicamente o Estado desempenhou, os dois países apresentam mais diferenças do que similaridades. O objetivo principal da presente dissertação foi analisar a percepção sobre pobreza e desigualdade social de um grupo pouco estudado pela Sociologia: os dirigentes públicos. Trata-se de cargos de livre nomeação e exoneração do alto escalão do Executivo Federal e exercem papel crucial na formulação e implementação de políticas públicas. No Brasil, esses cargos são denominados Direção e Assessoramento Superior (DAS) 5 e 6 e, no Uruguai, como Diretor de Ministério. Empiricamente, partiu-se da análise de um survey aplicado com esses dirigentes em 2013, em uma amostra de 60 entrevistados em cada país Os objetivos abrangeram três aspectos principais. O primeiro deles foi examinar as diferenças e semelhanças no perfil dos dirigentes públicos do Brasil e do Uruguai que ocupavam cargos em 2013 e na forma como percebiam a pobreza e a desigualdade. O segundo objetivo foi averiguar se os dirigentes públicos percebiam a pobreza e a desigualdade como problemas prioritários, que agente era percebido como o principal responsável por esses problemas e como enxergavam o papel das Ongs e do Estado. E, por fim, o último objetivo da dissertação foi verificar a preferência dos dirigentes por políticas públicas, isto é, como percebiam as políticas que visavam o crescimento econômico, a redistribuição, os programas sociais e a intervenção na economia. Os dados corroboraram alguns argumentos presentes na literatura, e trouxeram indícios que necessitam de futuras investigações qualitativas, dentre os quais se destacam a questão da responsabilidade coletiva e da proeminência do Estado. / Brazil and Uruguay are neighbouring countries. The latter was part of Brazil’s Empire and also has some characteristics which make it similar to Brazilian South. However, they present more differences than similarities when it is taken into account social inequality, poverty and the role of the State. The main objective of this dissertation was to analyse the perception about poverty and social inequality among public sector executives. These are positions of free appointment and dismissal of the high ranking Federal Executive. They play a crucial role in the formulation and implementation of public policies. In Brazil, these positions are called “Direção e Assessoramento Superior” (DAS) 5 and 6 and, in Uruguay, as Director of the Ministry. Empirically, it was analysed a survey applied with these leaders in 2013, in a sample of 60 interviewees in each country. The aims covered three main aspects. Firstly, to examine the differences and similarities in the profile of the public sector executives in Brazil and Uruguay who held positions in 2013 and how they perceived poverty and inequality. Secondly, to investigate whether they perceived poverty and inequality as priority problems; who was perceived as the main responsible for these problems and what was the view about the role of the NGO’s and the State. Finally, to verify the preference of the leaders for public policies, such as how they perceived policies focus on economic growth, redistribution, social programs and intervention in the economy. The data corroborates some arguments in the literature, as well as indicates further qualitative investigations, especially concerning the question of collective responsibility and the level of responsibility they attribute to the State.

Apesar de serem países fronteiriços- o Uruguai tendo sido parte do Império do Brasil e guardando características que o aproximaria da região Sul brasileira- quando analisados sob o prisma da desigualdade social e da pobreza, e também sob a luz do papel que historicamente o Estado desempenhou, os dois países apresentam mais diferenças do que similaridades. O objetivo principal da presente dissertação foi analisar a percepção sobre pobreza e desigualdade social de um grupo pouco estudado pela Sociologia: os dirigentes públicos. Trata-se de cargos de livre nomeação e exoneração do alto escalão do Executivo Federal e exercem papel crucial na formulação e implementação de políticas públicas. No Brasil, esses cargos são denominados Direção e Assessoramento Superior (DAS) 5 e 6 e, no Uruguai, como Diretor de Ministério. Empiricamente, partiu-se da análise de um survey aplicado com esses dirigentes em 2013, em uma amostra de 60 entrevistados em cada país Os objetivos abrangeram três aspectos principais. O primeiro deles foi examinar as diferenças e semelhanças no perfil dos dirigentes públicos do Brasil e do Uruguai que ocupavam cargos em 2013 e na forma como percebiam a pobreza e a desigualdade. O segundo objetivo foi averiguar se os dirigentes públicos percebiam a pobreza e a desigualdade como problemas prioritários, que agente era percebido como o principal responsável por esses problemas e como enxergavam o papel das Ongs e do Estado. E, por fim, o último objetivo da dissertação foi verificar a preferência dos dirigentes por políticas públicas, isto é, como percebiam as políticas que visavam o crescimento econômico, a redistribuição, os programas sociais e a intervenção na economia. Os dados corroboraram alguns argumentos presentes na literatura, e trouxeram indícios que necessitam de futuras investigações qualitativas, dentre os quais se destacam a questão da responsabilidade coletiva e da proeminência do Estado. / Brazil and Uruguay are neighbouring countries. The latter was part of Brazil’s Empire and also has some characteristics which make it similar to Brazilian South. However, they present more differences than similarities when it is taken into account social inequality, poverty and the role of the State. The main objective of this dissertation was to analyse the perception about poverty and social inequality among public sector executives. These are positions of free appointment and dismissal of the high ranking Federal Executive. They play a crucial role in the formulation and implementation of public policies. In Brazil, these positions are called “Direção e Assessoramento Superior” (DAS) 5 and 6 and, in Uruguay, as Director of the Ministry. Empirically, it was analysed a survey applied with these leaders in 2013, in a sample of 60 interviewees in each country. The aims covered three main aspects. Firstly, to examine the differences and similarities in the profile of the public sector executives in Brazil and Uruguay who held positions in 2013 and how they perceived poverty and inequality. Secondly, to investigate whether they perceived poverty and inequality as priority problems; who was perceived as the main responsible for these problems and what was the view about the role of the NGO’s and the State. Finally, to verify the preference of the leaders for public policies, such as how they perceived policies focus on economic growth, redistribution, social programs and intervention in the economy. The data corroborates some arguments in the literature, as well as indicates further qualitative investigations, especially concerning the question of collective responsibility and the level of responsibility they attribute to the State.

Apesar de serem países fronteiriços- o Uruguai tendo sido parte do Império do Brasil e guardando características que o aproximaria da região Sul brasileira- quando analisados sob o prisma da desigualdade social e da pobreza, e também sob a luz do papel que historicamente o Estado desempenhou, os dois países apresentam mais diferenças do que similaridades. O objetivo principal da presente dissertação foi analisar a percepção sobre pobreza e desigualdade social de um grupo pouco estudado pela Sociologia: os dirigentes públicos. Trata-se de cargos de livre nomeação e exoneração do alto escalão do Executivo Federal e exercem papel crucial na formulação e implementação de políticas públicas. No Brasil, esses cargos são denominados Direção e Assessoramento Superior (DAS) 5 e 6 e, no Uruguai, como Diretor de Ministério. Empiricamente, partiu-se da análise de um survey aplicado com esses dirigentes em 2013, em uma amostra de 60 entrevistados em cada país Os objetivos abrangeram três aspectos principais. O primeiro deles foi examinar as diferenças e semelhanças no perfil dos dirigentes públicos do Brasil e do Uruguai que ocupavam cargos em 2013 e na forma como percebiam a pobreza e a desigualdade. O segundo objetivo foi averiguar se os dirigentes públicos percebiam a pobreza e a desigualdade como problemas prioritários, que agente era percebido como o principal responsável por esses problemas e como enxergavam o papel das Ongs e do Estado. E, por fim, o último objetivo da dissertação foi verificar a preferência dos dirigentes por políticas públicas, isto é, como percebiam as políticas que visavam o crescimento econômico, a redistribuição, os programas sociais e a intervenção na economia. Os dados corroboraram alguns argumentos presentes na literatura, e trouxeram indícios que necessitam de futuras investigações qualitativas, dentre os quais se destacam a questão da responsabilidade coletiva e da proeminência do Estado. / Brazil and Uruguay are neighbouring countries. The latter was part of Brazil’s Empire and also has some characteristics which make it similar to Brazilian South. However, they present more differences than similarities when it is taken into account social inequality, poverty and the role of the State. The main objective of this dissertation was to analyse the perception about poverty and social inequality among public sector executives. These are positions of free appointment and dismissal of the high ranking Federal Executive. They play a crucial role in the formulation and implementation of public policies. In Brazil, these positions are called “Direção e Assessoramento Superior” (DAS) 5 and 6 and, in Uruguay, as Director of the Ministry. Empirically, it was analysed a survey applied with these leaders in 2013, in a sample of 60 interviewees in each country. The aims covered three main aspects. Firstly, to examine the differences and similarities in the profile of the public sector executives in Brazil and Uruguay who held positions in 2013 and how they perceived poverty and inequality. Secondly, to investigate whether they perceived poverty and inequality as priority problems; who was perceived as the main responsible for these problems and what was the view about the role of the NGO’s and the State. Finally, to verify the preference of the leaders for public policies, such as how they perceived policies focus on economic growth, redistribution, social programs and intervention in the economy. The data corroborates some arguments in the literature, as well as indicates further qualitative investigations, especially concerning the question of collective responsibility and the level of responsibility they attribute to the State.