This thesis is a comprehensive investigation of the transport containers produced in Roman Sicily over a chronological period composed of five phases: Early Roman period (30 BC–AD 100); Middle Roman period (AD 100–300); Late Roman period (AD 300–440); Vandal Perios (AD 440/535) and Early Byzantine period (AD 536/600). The research investigates the production and transportation of Sicilian foodstuffs (especially wine) from the major ports of the island to Mediterranean ports and northern Europe. The results demonstrate the wide distribution of Sicilian amphorae and their important role within the wider economy of the Roman Empire. The importance of this research lies in the fact that, despite the agricultural prosperity of Sicily in the Roman Period and its strategic topographical position, transport amphorae remain understudied especially in economic terms. In regards to typology, chronology and distribution, our current knowledge of regional containers has not reached a level comparable to that of amphorae manufactured in other territories. The key discussion focuses on the commercial dynamics of Roman Sicilian amphorae from local, regional and Mediterranean-wide perspectives. The research aims to outline the distribution trends of Sicilian amphorae, looking at the different relative quantities of each amphora type and consequently the extent to which they are present in regions inside and outside Sicily, while considering presences and absences within the more general and homogeneous context of the Mediterranean basin. The organisation of Sicilian amphora production is also tackled through the presentation of probable production sites and excavated kilns. Using these examples, the study investigates the management of production of these containers on the island. The initial data obtained by this research represents a first step in determining differences between Sicilian amphorae workshops producing amphorae — therefore trading wine — for Mediterranean export and manufacturing sites specializing in local/regional trade. Other key achievements include the creation of a new illustrated typology with profile drawings of all the amphora forms and a summary and catalogue of Sicilian amphorae fabrics. In the thesis, the results of archaeometric analysis (thin-sections) carried out on more than 120 Sicilian amphora samples, provided by numerous institutions in Sicily and abroad, are presented. These results add significantly to our knowledge of the fabric composition, manufacture technology, origin and consequently movement of these amphorae around the Mediterranean over six centuries. More generally the research shows that the study of Sicilian material culture along with archaeological evidence is essential for recording the economic dynamics of Sicily, with the intent of dispelling the stereotype that Sicily's primary role was as a grain supplier to Rome. Besides grain — widely produced and exported throughout the imperial period, as attested by ancient sources and inscriptions — the archaeological evidence clearly indicates the export of foodstuffs, especially wine, at an inter-provincial level from the 1^st until the second half of the 6^th century AD.

The literary part was elaborated on the basis of studies of literary and electronic sources. The practical part was elaborated from the database of Ministry of Agriculture and Institute of Agricultural Economics and Information. There are about 236 ecofarms involved in the region of South Bohemia. In terms of practical part were set questions, which were mainly focused on the field of production and distribution of meat and fat products, milk and dairy products, fruits and cereals and potatoes in the bioquality. These questions were destined for 35 chosen ecofarms and 14 ecoproducers in the South Bohemia. Respondents were interviewed via telephone or via email.

Comment considérer le cinéma italien des vingt dernières années ? Si en France il est associé à quelques réalisateurs qui luttent contre Berlusconi et contre un système politique et économique corrompu, tels que Roberto Benigni, Nanni Moretti, Sabina Guzzanti, et plus récemment Paolo Sorrentino ou Matteo Garrone, il ne trouve pas la même estime chez ses compatriotes qui, comme en témoignent les résultats du box-office, le considèrent tout au plus comme un moyen de divertissement. La critique des deux pays s’accorde cependant pour dire que l’on assiste depuis une dizaine d’années à un retour du cinema d’impegno (cinéma d’engagement) cher aux réalisateurs des années 1960-1970. Sorrentino et Garrone auraient repris respectivement les flambeaux de Elio Petri et de Francesco Rosi… Peut-on parler d’une nouvelle vague de cinéastes engagés et d’un nouveau cinéma politique italien ? Pour répondre à cette question, nous nous sommes penchés sur quatre films en particulier qui traitent de thèmes explicitement politiques et proposent une représentation de l’homme de Pouvoir différente de celle officielle : Il portaborse de Daniele Luchetti, Il Caimano de Nanni Moretti, Il Divo de Paolo Sorrentino et Qualunquemente de Giulio Manfredonia. Après avoir analysé la façon dont l’homme de Pouvoir est dépeint par ces cinéastes, nous avons essayé de comprendre si ces films sont l’expression d’un engagement réel et d’une volonté de dénonciation ou s’ils répondent à la demande d’une économie de marché et au besoin d’entendre un discours rassurant de la part du public. Dans une société où dire du mal de Berlusconi a permis à certains de s’enrichir et de se faire connaître, et où les systèmes de production et de distribution cinématographiques semblent verrouillés, l’existence d’un véritable cinéma politique est problématique. Il semble en effet difficile d’envisager qu’une œuvre exprime une opposition si elle est acceptée et financée par les entreprises de l’homme qu’elle critique. Face à ce contexte et aux témoignages de nombreuses personnalités du cinéma, nous avons cherché à comprendre si le sens et les critères sur lesquels repose la notion de cinéma politique sont à redéfinir. / How can we consider the Italian cinema of these past twenty years? In France it is associated with a few movie directors such as Roberto Begnini, Nanni Moretti, Sabina Guzzanti and more recently Paolo Sorrentino or Matteo Garrone, who fight against Berlusconi and a corrupt political and economic system, but it isn't received with such esteem in Italy where it is considered at the most as a means of entertainment, as indicated by box-office results.In both countries, reviewers however agree to say that for about ten years we have been witnessing a return to a « cinema d'impegno » (politically-motivated films), a form of cinema which is dear to the directors of the 60´s and 70's. Sorrentino and Garrone would have respectively taken over from Elio Petri and Francesco Rosi... Can we talk about a new wave of politically and socially-aware movie directors and about a new political Italian cinema? To answer this question, we have been studying four films in particular, which deal with themes that are explicitly political and which offer a different representation of the man of Power from the official one.: Il portaborse by Daniele Luchetti, Il Caimano by Nanni Moretti, Il Divo by Paolo Sorrentino and Qualunquemente by Giulio Manfredonia. After analysing the way the man of Power is depicted by these movie directors, we have tried to understand if these films are the expression of a real political commitment and of a will to denounce or if they only meet the demand of a market economy and the need for people to hear a reassuring speech. In a society where speaking badly of Berlusconi has allowed some to grow richer and make themselves known, and where movie production and distribution systems seem closed, the very existence of a political cinema appears problematic. Indeed, it seems difficult to consider that a cinematographic work can express some opposition if this work is accepted and financed by the undertakings of the man it criticizes. Faced with this context and with the testimonies of numerous leading figures of Italian cinema, we have been trying to understand if the meaning and the criteria on which the notion of political cinema is based have to be redefined.