This dissertation analyzes the conditions under which individual environmental behaviors, government environmental regulations, and collaborative environmental policy networks occur. Although numerous studies have investigated these various types of environmental engagements, they tend to rely on general assumptions with major limitations. The first essay of this dissertation tests the effects of an individual’s environmental attitudes on private environmental behavior, instrumenting for the endogeneity of attitude measures. The second essay studies the predictors of city governments’ adoption of flexible environmental regulations, based on the new perspective that pro-environmental institutions can be tools for economic growth. The first essay examines the causal relationships between individuals’ environmental attitude and their environmental behavior. Unlike the prevalent approach in the literature assuming the direct causal relationship of environmental attitude to behavior, I propose a new model that presents an instrument for the endogenous attitude measures. Empirical results are mixed. People who are more concerned about climate change are more likely to use green products, while they do not recycle more. These diverging results of the two behavioral variables considered to be the most environmental suggest substantial differences among the private environmental actions. Environmental attitudes consistently predict certain environmental behaviors, but they have no effect on other environmental behaviors. In addition, the positive and significant effects of environmental attitudes on some non-environmental private actions indicate the possibility of the social desirability bias of attitude measures. The overall results show that the causal effects of environmental attitudes on environmental behaviors are not simple and consistent as generally assumed. The second essay studies the reasons for the different levels in the city governments’ adoption of energy-efficient land-use policies. Extant work presumes a conflicting and competing relationship between economic growth and environmental conservation. My approach differs from traditional presumption by looking at environmental land-use plans as the institutional tools for economic development. This essay tests the hypothesis that cities that need green business to achieve their economic prosperity would implement more environmentally friendly land-use plans. The estimated effect shows that the more important the green business is for the city’s economic growth, the more likely the city will adopt general energy-efficient land-use plans. The empirical results in the second essay show that the different levels of adopting environmental institutions in the cities can be explained by diverse paths to achieving the economic growth of each city. / A Dissertation submitted to the Department of Political Science in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. / Spring Semester 2019. / April 11, 2019. / Environmental attitude, Environmental behavior, Environmental policy, Institutions, Policy networks, Survey research / Includes bibliographical references. / Eric A. Coleman, Professor Directing Dissertation; Christopher Coutts, University Representative; Brad T. Gomez, Committee Member; Matthew T. Pietryka, Committee Member.

In 2015, 78% of Detroit's city council was African American--the highest percentage in the country. For decades, there had been an assumption in the academic and activist fields that a legislative body with such a high percentage of minority presence would produce incredible policy gains for that group (i.e. African American Detroiters). Instead, the council passed no Black racial policy. In a city where there were ostensibly no barriers for passing racial policy -- there were no subsequent policy gains. Though running contrary to existing scholarship, Detroit is not an anomaly; it is an indicator of the larger trend. Using a mixed methods approach, I consider the impact of descriptive representation (i.e. presence of a minority group) on representation in policy (i.e. policy outcomes). The thesis that emerges from my examination is that the relationship between descriptive representation and representation in policy is not static, as has been suggested, but dynamic. The amount of representation in policy that a group achieves is a function of descriptive representation, but the relationship is not linear. More descriptive representation does not always predict more representation in policy. And indeed, cities with the most descriptive representation often have relatively low levels of representation in policy. This work challenges the current body of literature and calls for substantial revision of seminal theory.

There is convincing evidence in the literature that the civil war fought in Sierra Leone beginning in 1991 was the result of social and political grievances between the 3 dominant ethnic groups, Krio, Mende, and Temne. Hitherto, there were no studies which explored their collaboration on postconflict sustainable peacebuilding efforts. By closely examining the political behaviors of these groups, this qualitative expert study was designed to create understanding of how collaboration between them supported postconflict sustainable peace-building efforts. Data consisted of observational notes and semistructured interviews of 21 Sierra Leonean experts living in the United States. Data were analyzed using the method of content analysis and cross-verified through the process of data source triangulation. Results indicate the 3 dominant groups have divergent political ideologies, views, practices, and participations. However, it was also found they have convergent national interest in supporting sustainable peacebuilding in Sierra Leone. The results may change how sustainable peace-building initiatives are conceptualized through ethnic group collaboration. The contention of this study is that the nexus between development and security in a nation emerging from conflict is ethnic group cooperation. Hence, implications for social change are linked to opening new channels for discourse between dominant ethnic groups in a conflict-prone nation to avoid future conflicts. Therefore, knowledge from this study may be useful for governments, policy makers, the United Nations, and the international community at large because their actions may run parallel to ethnic group dynamics.

Veterans treatment courts (VTCs) and agencies that work with veterans experiencing posttraumatic stress and substance use disorders have been unable to provide evidence-based treatment that includes veterans' families in recovery and treatment. This limitation has resulted in treatment gaps that appear to have had an adverse impact on veterans and their families. The purpose of this qualitative content analysis was to examine the formulation of AB 2371, a 2012 legislative amendment to California code PC 1170.9, and evaluate whether lawmakers considered family-oriented treatment in passing the amendment. Schneider and Ingram's theory of social construction of target populations constituted the theoretical foundation. The focus of the central research question was on the consideration given during the formulation and implementation of AB 2371 that resulted in exclusion of families from eligibility for treatment in VTCs. Data consisted of publicly available documents from 4 years before and 2 years after enactment of AB 2371. Data were collected and analyzed in a manner consistent with Dunn's policy analysis framework. Data were analyzed through selective coding using a continuous, iterative process and were critically evaluated to determine whether legislative and administrative considerations may have affected the social construct of care for veterans and their families. Findings show that children and families were not considered in the initial policy inputs related to the formulation of AB 2371. A recommendation stemming from this study includes advising policy makers, VTCs, and service providers to support the inclusion of families and children in the VTC service matrix, which may result in positive social change by improving recovery and treatment for veterans.

Decades before the elimination of gender restrictions in the U.S. military, ground combat was an equal opportunity issue for women. Direct combat units, such as infantry and artillery, are now open to female enlistment. The purpose of this study was to examine the efforts, challenges and/or successes, of incorporating women into a U.S. Army combat brigade in a single state. The frame-critical approach was used to outline the competing arguments between supporters and opponents of women in combat. The research questions guiding the study included how gender integration is perceived with regards to strength and survivability of the unit, and how future conflict will govern decisions about sending women into combat. A qualitative case study was employed with semi structured interviews with commanders of the combat brigade, given their proximity to the issue and responsibility in the implementation process. The selected brigade was serving as the initial test bed of evaluation for the rest of the state's combat units. The data collected via the interviews were cross-checked with documentary data including declassified memorandums, technical reports, and execution orders. During the analysis phase, the data were organized and coded to identify themes related to the experiences of the command structure. Overall, the officers were supportive of the policy mandate and expressed viewpoints that validated both oppositional and advocacy arguments. The implications for social change include how the military is working to validate performance standards to positively influence policy on gender integration, and the combat brigade utilized in this study is an example for the rest of the United States as it is slated to have the most female recruits for combat positions than any other state beginning in 2017.

Following 16 years of war in Afghanistan the number of U.S. military, Coalition forces and Afghan civilian fatalities has exceeded the number of Americans lost on 9/11 and has cost the United States nearly $841 billion dollars. The results are that Afghanistan remains in turmoil and that terrorist attacks, the reason for the invasion, continues. The question is should United States assess a different approach that would result in less blood and treasure being spent to address the need to mitigate terrorist threats. Guided by the analysis of conventional- centric and asymmetric-centric approaches to a counterterrorism strategy, this qualitative study focused on evaluating the effects of U.S. national strategy for the Afghanistan war between 2001 and 2016. A narrative inquiry was employed that used extensive in-depth interviews with five implementers and five recipients of the American strategy based in Afghanistan. The participants were recruited from the U.S. Special Forces community that implemented American strategy in Afghanistan, and from Afghans that experienced the American strategy firsthand. Data were analyzed by employing an inductive coding method. The literature review revealed an intention to use large military forces to conduct a conventional-centric counterterrorism strategy, but the narrative inquiry revealed a negative effect of the conventional-centric counterterrorism strategy. Though more research in this area is needed the implications from the findings for positive social change that an asymmetric-centric strategy could offer as a possible effective solution for countering terrorism. These recommendations may help national strategy developers develop a structure to develop future counterterrorism strategies.

Teen dating violence is a national epidemic with prevalence similar to levels of adult dating and domestic violence. Some states order of protection laws currently fails to protect most teen victims experiencing dating violence. The purpose of this experimental, quantitative study was to determine to what extent domestic violence statutes impact the reporting of teen dating violence in states that provide statutory protection of teen dating violence victims. The advocacy coalition framework was used for the study's theoretical foundation. The research questions focused on differences between the strength of state's advocacy coalition programs, and the prevalence of female teens reporting dating violence. One-way ANOVAs and Games-Howell post hoc tests were used to analyze existing data acquired from Center for Disease Control 2011 State Youth Risk Behavioral Survey of 39,184 high school females from 43 states; 2010 Break the Cycle State Law Report Cards, and 2011-2015 Domestic Violence Counts: National Census of Domestic Violence Services. Findings indicate a statistically significant difference between states that do not provide statutory protection for teen victims and states that do provide statutory protection (p < .001) and implied that stronger state advocacy and coalition programs resulted in higher reported incidents of physical dating violence among female teens. Implications for positive social change include recommendations to lawmakers and crime prevention specialists to consider changes in domestic violence statutes to protect teen victims, provide specific statutory remedy for teen victims and reduce the frequency of teen dating violence as result of increased reporting.

Abstract Following the increase in foreclosures across the United States from 2007 to 2009, there was concern that foreclosed homes could lead to higher rates of crime in certain neighborhoods. Using social disorganization theory, the purpose of this difference-in-difference research design was to study the link between foreclosure levels, and crime rates in neighborhoods in Charlotte, North Carolina. Propensity score matching was used to examine whether neighborhood foreclosure rates have an impact on neighborhood crime level while controlling for neighborhood conditions. Data were acquired from Charlotte Neighborhood Quality of Life Studies, conducted biannually in 173 neighborhoods in Charlotte, North Carolina. Data for the years 2004 and 2010 were used for the analysis. The sample included 54 neighborhoods exposed to foreclosures (n = 27), and neighborhoods not exposed to foreclosure (n = 27). Data were also acquired from the Charlotte-Mecklenburg Police Department and housing authorities for the same years. Using hierarchical multiple regression analysis, a significant relationship was found between neighborhood foreclosure level and neighborhood crime level, and school dropout levels and neighborhood crime level (p <.05). The positive social change stemming from this study includes recommendations to local policy makers and law enforcement agencies to consider policies and strategies that reduce crime and address larger neighborhood problems such as school dropouts and unemployment. Addressing these policies may result in crime reductions, and improve the quality of life for neighborhood residents.

The strategy of the National Security Agency (NSA) surveillance program is to incorporate the private sector into the bulk data collection of customers information, yet there is little legislative and judicial oversight. As a result, internet and telecommunications companies participated, placing at risk protected privacy interests of their customers. Using policy feedback theory and narrative policy framework as the theoretical framework, the purpose of this qualitative, case study was to explore how the federal government gains compliance of the internet and telecommunications industry to engage in information sharing with NSA during post 9/11, 2001 terrorists' attack. Secondary data were collected about internet and telecommunications companies through document analysis, corporate records, and credible news sources. These data were compiled as raw data and developed into codes, which led to categories and eventually developed into themes. Findings indicate that private companies participated for three main reasons: first, an interest in preserving national security, second, they believed they had limited or no liability, and third, profit-making. At the same time, the participants expressed concerns that the government gained compliance via the use of coercion, influence, and persuasion. The positive social change implication of this study includes recommendations to public policy practitioners/evaluators that it is necessary to include private sector analysis in a comprehensive review of public policy because inter-dependencies of the private-public sector guarantees effective public policy implementation/ assessment.

African American males are more likely than any of race of males to report unreasonable and unnecessary negative experiences with law enforcement officers. They may describe these experiences as unjustified due to the level of force used. In some cases, excessive force used by police has resulted in the death of African American males. Due to unresolved issues between African American males and police officers dating back to the slavery era, there is a deep historical division between these groups. Among African American males, the percentage of individuals who express distrust toward police officers tends to be higher than in any other group. The purpose of this research study was to explore African American males' perceptions of police officers in order to understand this distrust. This study involved 16 males residing in a large southern city who were selected to share their experiences with and perceptions of police officers. Social relationship theory as defined by Weber was used as the theoretical framework for this study. Participants were selected via snowball sampling to answer questions during semistructured interviews. The data were analyzed and coded using modified van Kaam analysis. The findings were that African American males distrust the police due to their personal experiences during police encounters and police officers' biases toward them. The findings of this study may help leaders, policymakers, administrative assistants, and law enforcement agencies within the study city understand how to implement positive social change that could assist law enforcements officers and African American males with developing a positive relationship.