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An individual faced with intergroup conflict must choose from a vast array of possible actions, ranging from grumbling among ingroup friends to voting and demonstrating to rioting and revolution. The present thesis proposes a model of decision-making in intergroup contexts oriented towards understanding how group members choose among these behavioural alternatives. Intergroup decisions are conceptualized as rationally shaped by perceptions of the benefits and costs associated with the action (expectancy-value processes). In intergroup contexts, group-level costs and benefits may play a critical role in individuals' decision-making. Perception of the dynamic between ingroup and outgroup norms is thought to be a key determinant of the group-level benefits and costs associated with individualistic or collective actions. Four studies explore the predictive value of this model for understanding decision-making in the context of English-French conflict in Quebec. Studies 1 and 2 provide evidence that group-level costs and benefits influence individuals' decision-making, in intergroup contexts. Contrary to the predictions of individualistic models of decision-making such as the theory of planned behaviour (Ajzen, 1985), the individual level of analysis was not observed to mediate the group level of analysis. Moreover, contrary to recent social identity theorizing (Kelly, 1993; Simon et al., 1998), perceived group-level costs and benefits were implicated in the relationship between social identity and intentions to engage in collective action. Studies 3 and 4 provide evidence that outgroup and ingroup norms may interact to influence decision-making. Thus, contrary to the referent informational influence model (Terry & Hogg, 1996; Turner, 1991), ingroup norms alone did not determine group members' actions. Moreover, Study 4 provides evidence that the dynamic between ingroup and outgroup norms influences evaluations of the costs and benefits of intergroup behaviours, both

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The government of Quebec has officially opposed federal multicultural policy since 1971. Although the provincial response to multiculturalism, now widely known as interculturalisme, began to take shape as of the early 1980s, ethnic minorities in the province continue to be served by distinct federal and provincial bureaucracies. Despite this, federal-provincial relations over ethnic policy in Quebec remain little studied. Provincial rhetoric and many theoretical writings on intergovernmental relations in Canada together give rise to expectations of competition or conflict. However, some specialists in the field warn against overlooking collaboration. In fact, original research undertaken to explore federal-provincial relations in this sensitive policy area produced evidence of collaboration between federal and provincial officials despite divergences of opinion both political and theoretical. In addition, a certain degree of complementarity was noted in federal and provincial funding of ethnocultural and community groups.

Since the early sixties, social and political change in Quebec has fundamentally altered the relationships between the majority French and minority English-speaking populations. As francophones have laid claim to the decision-making spheres of power, anglophones have experienced losses to their community through out-migration and the loss of social power. This study reveals various responses within the church, incorporating concepts of community and 'place' as symbols in identity formation and cultural affirmation. Levels of financial commitment for individual parishes and mission outreach, numbers of Easter communicants and response to liturgical change all show distinctive patterns. The research also points to important implications for the church in relation to its aging population, the role of women, and the significance of family histories.

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