Thèse--Lettres--Brest, 1976. / Bibliogr. p. 333-337.

Thesis (doctoral)--Universität Giessen, 2002. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [441]-471).

Habilitationsschrift--Göttingen, 1977. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 301-320) and index.

Zugl.: Frankfurt (Main), Univ., Diss., 2008 u.d.T.: Jacobs, Rüdiger: Meine Sache ist: Revolution zu machen

Zugl.: Bonn, Univ., Habil.-Schr., 2001/02

"Eine dissertation der Philosophischen fakultät der Thür. Landesuniversität Jena."--P. ix. / "Literatur-verzeichnis": p. xiii-xxi.

Texte remanié d'une thèse de doctorat d'histoire, défendue à l'Université de Rennes 2 en 2006. / Bibliogr. p. 358-362. Notes bibliogr. Index. En appendice, choix de documents.

Inauguraldiss. Phil.-hist. Fak. Bern, 1985. / Im Buchh.: Erlangen: Palm & Enke.

Cette recherche questionne le partage de l’ambiance urbaine par le biais du climat politique. Menée tout au long d’une période exceptionnelle de l’histoire de la Tunisie, elle interroge l’impact de la révolution tunisienne sur le partage du sensible dans l’espace public urbain.Ce travail repose sur l’hypothèse qu’il y a une mutation ambiantale, engendrée par le processus révolutionnaire, qui s’opère dans l’espace public urbain de Tunis et dont découle de manière sous- jacente un nouveau partage du sensible. Une question fondamentale se pose alors: Quel rôle joue la situation politique dans la définition et la caractérisation de ce nouveau partage su sensible ?Pour répondre à cette interrogation, nous avons mis en place une méthodologie pluridisciplinaire (approche sensible et qualitative in situ tel que le parcours commenté, la réactivation par l’image,… et une documentation bibliographique sous divers formats tels que les documentaires, les films, les journaux, les ouvrages,…) appliquée à des tissus urbains aux configurations spatiales et aux compositions sociales différentes, mais tous situés dans le Grand Tunis.Au terme de cette recherche, nous avons pu relever une territorialisation des comportements urbains où le facteur politique intervient directement pour définir autant le domaine du permissif que de l’interdit dans l’espace public.Ainsi, l’ambiance urbaine n’est pas seulement témoin d’un bouleversement politique, elle en est aussi le porteur et l’enjeu. En mettant au jour ce qui est possible de faire ou de ne pas faire dans l’espace public, elle devient l’objet de la lutte politique.MOTS CLES: Ambiance urbaine, Politique, Partage, Sensible, Révolution / This research questions the sharing of urban atmosphere through the political climate. Conducted throughout an exceptional period in the history of Tunisia, it questions the impact of the Tunisian revolution on sharing of sensitivity in urban public space.This work relies on the assumption that there is a mutation in the urban atmosphere, caused by the revolutionary process taking place in the urban public space of Tunis, which follows sounder lying a new distribution of the sensitive. A fundamental question arises: What role has the political situation in the definition and the characterization of this new sharing of sensitive?To answer this question, we have set up a multidisciplinary methodology (qualitative and sensitive approach in situ as the course commented, reactivation by the image ... and bibliographic documentation in various formats such as documentaries, movies, newspapers, books, ...) applied to urban space with different features and different social compositions, but all located in the Greater Tunis.After this research, we were able to identify a regionalization of urban behavior where the political factor intervenes directly to define as the field of permissive than the forbidden in public space.Thus, the urban atmosphere is not only witnessed in political upheaval, it is also the carrier and the challenge. By uncovering what is possible to do or not to do in public space, it becomes the object of political struggle.KEY WORDS : Urban atmosphere, Politic, Sharing, Sensitive, Revolution

Britain's foreign relations formed a crucial component of the political nation during the eighteenth century. Foreign affairs were a key issue of state, and perceived failure within European power politics could cause the fall of government ministries. Britain's foreign relations with the main European powers, and especially France and Spain, have been extensively recorded. Britain's unique relationship with Corsica has been neglected. Corsica can appear to be insignificant compared to other European states. Many British writers, however, government officials, naval and military officers, considered Corsica to be of the highest importance within eighteenth-century foreign affairs. Corsica was especially important within the larger sphere of Anglo-French rivalry. Corsica was one of the few territories that was ruled by both nations during the eighteenth century. This thesis reveals that Britain's relations with Corsica were far more significant than has been previously realised. Britain's relations and interactions with Corsica remained relatively consistent throughout the period from 1728 up until 1796. The two main developments to occur between Britain and Corsica during the eighteenth century were, firstly, the ‘Corsican crisis' (1768-1769) and, secondly, the establishment of an Anglo-Corsican Kingdom (1794-1796). These are discussed in chapter 2 and chapter 4 of the thesis respectively. Both of these ‘events' have been studied as being separate from each other and as confined to their respective periods of time. This thesis aims to link and to compare these two key developments for the first time, and to show that the Corsican crisis directly influenced the Anglo-Corsican constitution in 1794.Corsica was the largest European territory to be ruled by Britain during the eighteenth century. The Anglo-Corsican Kingdom provides a unique insight into how Britain might rule conquered territories in Europe. The thesis charts and explains Britain's relations with Corsica against the background of the second hundred years war against France.