Global ETD Search

31	The best sin to commit : a theological strategy of Niebuhrian classical realism to challenge the Religious Right and neoconservative advancement of manifest destiny in American foreign policy Cowan, David Fraser January 2013 (has links) While few would deny America is the most powerful nation on earth, there is considerable debate, and controversy, over how America uses its foreign policy power. This is even truer since the “unipolar moment,” when America gained sole superpower status with the end of the Soviet Union and the Cold War. In the Cold War Reinhold Niebuhr was the main theological voice speaking to American power. In the Unipolar world, the Religious right emerged as the main theological voice, but instead of seeking to curb American power the Religious right embraced Neoconservatism in what I will call “Totemic Conservatism” to support use of America's power in the world and to triumph Manifest destiny in American foreign policy, which is the notion that America is a chosen nation, and this legitimizes its use of power and underpins its moral claims. I critique the Niebuhrian and Religious right legacies, and offer a classical realist strategy for theology to speak to America power and foreign policy, which avoids the neoconservative and religious conservative error of totemism, while avoiding the jettisoning of Niebuhr's theology by political liberals, and, the political ghettoizing of theology by his chief critics. This strategy is based on embracing the understanding of classical realism, but not taking the next step, which both Niebuhr and neoconservativism ultimately do, of moving from a prescriptive to a predictive strategy for American foreign policy. In this thesis, I argue that in the wake of the unipolar moment the embrace of the Religious right of Neoconservatism to triumph Manifest destiny in American foreign policy is a problematic commingling of faith and politics, and what is needed instead is a strategy of speaking to power rooted in classical realism but one which refines Niebuhrian realism to avoid the risk of progressing a Constantinian theology. 327.73
32	Being successfully nasty: the United States, Cuba and state-sponsored terrorism, 1959-1976 Douglas, Robert 11 August 2008 (has links) Despite being the global leader in the “war on terror,” the United States has been accused of sponsoring terrorism against Cuba. The following study assesses these charges. After establishing a definition of terrorism, it examines U.S.-Cuban relations from 1808 to 1958, arguing that the United States has historically employed violence in its efforts to control Cuba. U.S. leaders maintained this approach even after the Cuban Revolution: months after Fidel Castro’s guerrilla army took power, Washington began organizing Cuban exiles to carry out terrorist attacks against the island, and continued to support and tolerate such activities until the 1970s, culminating in what was the hemisphere’s most lethal act of airline terrorism before 9/11. Since then, the United States has maintained contact with well-known anti-Castro terrorists, in many cases employing and harbouring them, despite its claims to be fighting an international campaign against terrorism. HISTORY CUBA GERALD FORD GEORGE H. W. BUSH UNITED STATES U.S.-CUBAN RELATIONS TERRORISM WAR ON TERRORISM FIDEL CASTRO BAY OF PIGS OPERATION MONGOOSE CUBAN MISSILE CRISIS DWIGHT EISENHOWER JOHN KENNEDY LYNDON JOHNSON RICHARD NIXON HENRY KISSINGER GEORGE W. BUSH CUBAN EXILES JORGE MAS CANOSA LUIS POSADA CARRILES ORLANDO BOSCH FELIX RODRIGUEZ CORU CUBAN REVOLUTION FILIBUSTERING NARCISO LOPEZ
33	Unity, Justice and Protection: The Colored Trainmen of America's Struggle to End Jim Crow in the American Railroad Industry [and Elsewhere] James, Ervin 2012 August 1900 (has links) The Colored Trainmen of America (CTA) actively challenged Jim Crow policies on the job and in the public sphere between the 1930s and 1950s. In response to lingering questions concerning the relationship between early black labor activism and civil rights protest, this study goes beyond both local lure and cursory research. This study examines the Colored Trainmen's major contributions to the advancement of African Americans. It also provides context for some of the organization's shortcomings in both realms. On the job the African American railroad workers belonging to the CTA fought valiantly to receive the same opportunities for professional growth and development as whites working in the operating trades of the railroad industry. In the public sphere, these men collectively protested second-class services and accommodations both on and off the clock. Neither their agenda, the scope of their activities, nor their influence was limited to the railroad lines the members of the CTA operated within the Gulf Coast region. The CTA belonged to a progressive coalition comprised of four other powerful independent African American labor unions committed to unyielding labor activism and the toppling of Jim Crow. Together, they all worked to effectuate meaningful social change in partnership with national civil rights attorney Charles H. Houston. Houston's experience and direction, coupled with the CTA's dedicated membership and willingness to challenge authority, created considerable momentum in movements aimed at toppling racial inequality in the workplace and elsewhere. Like most of their predecessors, the CTA's struggle for advancement fits within a continuum of successive challenges to economic exploitation and racial inequality. No single person or organization can take full credit for ending segregation or achieving equality. Many who remain nameless and faceless contributed and sacrificed. This study not only chronicles the contribution of a relatively unsung African American labor organization that waged war against Jim Crow on two different fronts, it also pays homage to a few more individuals who made a difference in the lives of an entire race of people during the course of a bitterly contested, never-ending struggle for racial equality in the United States of America during the twentieth century. Colored Trainmen of America Labor Civil Rights History African American Gulf Coast Region American History Twentieth Century American Race Relations Jim Crow Black Labor Unions Charles Hamilton Houston Joseph C. Waddy A. Philip Randolph FEPC Double V. Campaign William H. Hastie 1960s American Railroad System Labor Law Labor Movement Industrial Unions Transportation Interstate Transport World War I World War II The Great Depression The New Deal Executive Order 8802 FDR Harry Truman Dwight Eisenhower LBJ Richard Nixon Adam Clayton Powell, Jr.
34	Being successfully nasty: the United States, Cuba and state-sponsored terrorism, 1959-1976 Douglas, Robert 11 August 2008 (has links) Despite being the global leader in the “war on terror,” the United States has been accused of sponsoring terrorism against Cuba. The following study assesses these charges. After establishing a definition of terrorism, it examines U.S.-Cuban relations from 1808 to 1958, arguing that the United States has historically employed violence in its efforts to control Cuba. U.S. leaders maintained this approach even after the Cuban Revolution: months after Fidel Castro’s guerrilla army took power, Washington began organizing Cuban exiles to carry out terrorist attacks against the island, and continued to support and tolerate such activities until the 1970s, culminating in what was the hemisphere’s most lethal act of airline terrorism before 9/11. Since then, the United States has maintained contact with well-known anti-Castro terrorists, in many cases employing and harbouring them, despite its claims to be fighting an international campaign against terrorism. HISTORY CUBA GERALD FORD GEORGE H. W. BUSH UNITED STATES U.S.-CUBAN RELATIONS TERRORISM WAR ON TERRORISM FIDEL CASTRO BAY OF PIGS OPERATION MONGOOSE CUBAN MISSILE CRISIS DWIGHT EISENHOWER JOHN KENNEDY LYNDON JOHNSON RICHARD NIXON HENRY KISSINGER GEORGE W. BUSH CUBAN EXILES JORGE MAS CANOSA LUIS POSADA CARRILES ORLANDO BOSCH FELIX RODRIGUEZ CORU CUBAN REVOLUTION FILIBUSTERING NARCISO LOPEZ
35	Marijuana Australiana: Cannabis use, popular culture and the Americanisation of drugs policy in Australia, 1938-1988 Jiggens, John Lawrence January 2004 (has links) The word 'marijuana' was introduced to Australia by the US Bureau of Narcotics via the Diggers newspaper, Smith's Weekly, in 1938. Marijuana was said to be 'a new drug that maddens victims' and it was sensationally described as an 'evil sex drug'. The resulting tabloid furore saw the plant cannabis sativa banned in Australia, even though cannabis had been a well-known and widely used drug in Australia for many decades. In 1964, a massive infestation of wild cannabis was found growing along a stretch of the Hunter River between Singleton and Maitland in New South Wales. The explosion in Australian marijuana use began there. It was fuelled after 1967 by US soldiers on rest and recreation leave from Vietnam. It was the Baby-Boomer young who were turning on. Pot smoking was overwhelmingly associated with the generation born in the decade after the Second World War. As the conflict over the Vietnam War raged in Australia, it provoked intense generational conflict between the Baby-Boomers and older generations. Just as in the US, pot was adopted by Australian Baby-Boomers as their symbol; and, as in the US, the attack on pot users served as code for an attack on the young, the Left, and the alternative. In 1976, the 'War on Drugs' began in earnest in Australia with paramilitary attacks on the hippie colonies at Cedar Bay in Queensland and Tuntable Falls in New South Wales. It was a time of increasing US style prohibition characterised by 'tough-on-drugs' right-wing rhetoric, police crackdowns, numerous murders, and a marijuana drought followed quickly by a heroin plague; in short by a massive worsening of 'the drug problem'. During this decade, organised crime moved into the pot scene and the price of pot skyrocketed, reaching $450 an ounce in 1988. Thanks to the Americanisation of drugs policy, the black market made 'a killing'. In Marijuana Australiana I argue that the 'War on Drugs' developed -- not for health reasons -- but for reasons of social control; as a domestic counter-revolution against the Whitlamite, Baby-Boomer generation by older Nixonite Drug War warriors like Queensland Premier, Bjelke-Petersen. It was a misuse of drugs policy which greatly worsened drug problems, bringing with it American-style organised crime. As the subtitle suggests, Marijuana Australiana relies significantly on 'alternative' sources, and I trawl the waters of popular culture, looking for songs, posters, comics and underground magazines to produce an 'underground' history of cannabis in Australia. This 'pop' approach is balanced with a hard-edged, quantitative analysis of the size of the marijuana market, the movement of price, and the seizure figures in the section called 'History By Numbers'. As Alfred McCoy notes, we need to understand drugs as commodities. It is only through a detailed understanding of the drug trade that the deeper secrets of this underground world can be revealed. In this section, I present an economic history of the cannabis market and formulate three laws of the market. Narcotics Control ofAustralia Narcotics and crimeAustralia Cannabis useAustralia Popular CultureAustralia Drugs policyAustralia Organised crimeQueensland New South Wales Cannabis prohibitionAustralia Police corruptionQueensland New South Wales the counter-cultureAustralia Reefer MadnessAustralia the War on DrugsAustralia the Fitzgerald Inquiry Chlorodyne Cannabis medical use cannabis indica cannabis sativa Gough Whitlam Richard Nixon Donald Mackay Johannes Bjelke- Petersen Terry Lewis Ray Whitrod Fast Buck$ Chris Masters John Wesley Egan the Corset Gang Murray Stewart Riley Bela Csidei Maurice Bernard 'Bernie' Houghton Frank Nugan Michael Jon Hand Sir Peter Abeles Merv Wood Sir Robert Askin Theodore (Ted) Shackley Fred Krahe James (Jimmy) Bazley Gianfranco Tizzoni Ken Nugan Brian Alexander.

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