M.A. / Without prejudice to race or culture, rape is the hurt of both males and females of all ages. Rape can be one of the most devastating emotional events in a person’s life, the effects of which are entrenched for life (Rozee & Koss, 2001). Motives underscoring the need to commit rape have received much attention in the literature. Evolutionary theorists such as Thornhill and Palmer (2000) report that sexual needs and reproduction are the primary motivational factors. Feminist theorists believe that men rape because they are angry and that the act of rape is an expression of their anger (Brownmiller, 1975; Mardorossian, 2002). Behavioural researchers argue that rapists are sexually excited by the ‘wrong stimuli’ (Polaschek, Ward & Hudson, 1997). Given these varying explanations, it is clear that the answer to the question, ‘why do men rape?’ is far more complex than one might anticipate. It is evident from the statistics that rape is one of the leading crimes in South Africa (Shapiro, 1999). Through critical reflection and analyses, this study explores the relevant literature on perpetrators of rape. In attempting to answer the question, “why do men rape?’ several factors are involved such as, socialisation, media, men’s biology, aggression and psychopathology. Following an extensive review of the literature, there seems to be a scarcity of studies researching the perceptions and experiences of rapists.

Thesis (D.Psych.)(Forensic)--University of Melbourne, Dept. of Psychology and Dept. of Criminology, 2006. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 159-176).

No description available.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Carleton University, 1994. / Also available in electronic format on the Internet.

The relationship between blame attribution, characterological and behavioral blame, and rape and prostitution myth acceptance was investigated. After reviewing an incident report of a sexual assault in which the victim was portrayed as either a prostitute, bank teller, or nun, 291 college-aged participants rated their level of agreement with rape myths and prostitution myths. They also assigned blame to the victim and/or perpetrator of the sexual assault. Results indicated that as rape and prostitution myth acceptance increased, victim blame increased and perpetrator blame decreased. Participants tended to blame the victimized prostitute more for the assault than the victimized bank teller and nun; similarly, participants tended to blame the perpetrator of the nun and bank teller more than the perpetrator of the prostitute. Gender differences in rape and prostitution myth acceptance and blaming attributions were also investigated. The findings are congruent with previous research on rape myth acceptance and blame. / Department of Psychological Science

Thesis (M.A.) - Carleton University, 2006. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 60-68). Also available in electronic format on the Internet.

Thesis (Ed.D.)--Boston University / PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you. / Within the past twenty years, juvenile sexual assault has become a major focus on several levels, including appropriate treatment variables, indicators of recidivism, and appropriate legal response to adolescents with a history of deviant sexual acting out. There are several variables that warrant research in the process of clarifying the differences between adolescent child molesters and adolescent rapists, in an effort to determine recidivism and criminal characteristics of each subtype. Level of coercion, victim selection, age of victim, level of offense, familiar history, self-esteem disorders and age of offender are variables that are summarized in this study. The researcher employed a cross sectional correlational design in order to determine whether juvenile rapists and juvenile child molesters differed on several variables, and to explore relationships and differences among several factors. Several different tests of significance were used for testing the hypothesis and research questions in this study, including t-tests, and Pearson Chi-Square correlations. The subjects in this study consist of 120 male, juvenile sex offenders (aged 13-19), all adjudicated delinquent and in the custody of the Massachusetts Department of Youth Services. Of the 120 subjects, 48 of the juveniles (40%) offended against victims classified as "child victims", or victims who were at least 5 years younger than the offending juvenile, and 72 of the juveniles (60%) offended against peer aged victims. Results of the study indicate the following: there is no significant age difference between adolescent child molesters and adolescent rapists; adolescent rapist and adolescent child molesters have similar abuse histories; adolescent child molesters tend to use less violent methods of coercion than adolescent rapists, adolescent child molesters are more likely than adolescent rapists to choose males as victims; adolescent child mo esters and adolescent rapists both choose to victimize acquaintances at an usually high rate; adolescent child molesters and adolescent rapists commit the same type of sexual offenses at an equal rate. Discussed also in this study is a review of current laws and statutes regarding juvenile sex offenders. / 2031-01-01

Thesis (M.S.)--University of North Carolina Wilmington, 2008. / Includes appendices: 57-83. Title from PDF title page (viewed September 28, 2008) Includes bibliographical references (p. 53-56)

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 1999. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 73-79).

M.A. (Clinical Psychology) / The institution of marriage rests upon shared expectations of appropriate marital behaviour including those of sexual fidelity and lifetime partnership. Therefore, a wife whose husband has been convicted of rape, experiences a violation in her marriage. The experience of the marital relationship of convicted rapists is not a well-documented phenomenon, particularly from the offenders’ wives’ perspectives. A qualitative, phenomenological approach was adopted to explore the experience and the meanings that participants attributed to the phenomenon of the marital relationship with a convicted rapist. Descriptions of such experiences were sourced from open-ended interviews conducted with three participants. Participant interviews were transcribed and analysed using an interpretative phenomenological analysis. Despite the distinctiveness of the participants’ individual experiences, the researcher identified five superordinate themes common across the three participants’ descriptions. These themes are encapsulated as follows: (a) Wives’ positive experiences of their marital relationship; (b) Wives’ negative experiences of their marital relationship; (c) Wives’ ambivalent experiences in their marital relationship; (d) Wives’ emotional experiences as a consequence of their former husbands’ convictions for rape; and (e) Wives’ experiences of stigmatisation. The findings have potential implications for future research.