The Canadian political economy school has argued since the late 1960s that Canada shares economic and social characteristics with semi-colonial third world countries. Consistent with this 'dependency' influenced assessment of the Canadian social formation it has also usually argued that national economic sovereignty should be a strategic concern in popular and socialist programs. This study critically evaluates this view of the economic and social context for planning interventions in Canada, in particular by examining the main empirical evidence traditionally advanced in its favour, namely the relative extent of foreign economic control in the Canadian economy. The study first reviews the various characterizations of Canada in the political economy literature, with an emphasis on the empirical evidence offered in their support. It then extends and broadens previous examinations of foreign economic control in Canada using recently released Statistics Canada data on foreign control of corporate assets and revenue up to 1992, and by comparing Canada with other OECD countries on the basis of the extent of inward and outward foreign direct investment (FDI). The studies main findings are that: i) The exclusion of the financial industries in most previous discussions of the level of foreign economic control in Canada has resulted in the actual level being overstated - in nominal terms, by about one-quarter; ii) Contrary to dependency influenced predictions of the period, foreign control of the Canadian economy decreased very significantly after the early 1970s, though this declining trend apparently ended and even partially reversed after the mid 1980s. Given the central place of the US in dependency accounts it is notable that the decline in US economic control has been greater than for all foreign control, and does not appear to have recovered in the recent period up to 1992; iii) The dependency influenced categorization of Canada with countries like 'semicolonial' Argentina or even 'peripheral' Spain cannot be sustained when the evidence shows that in absolute, but especially relative terms, Canada ranks as a world leader in the scale of direct investments held in other countries. Canadian FDI in the US has also been growing considerably faster than has US FDI in Canada; iv) The level of foreign economic penetration in Canada is notably higher than most OECD countries. However, when the relative size of the Canadian economy, a 'natural' degree of continental integration and recent trends among other OECD countries are considered, Canada is not as exceptional in this regard as has often been suggested. The study concludes that this evidence indicates that Canada is more accurately conceived of as a major advanced capitalist country than a dependent (if rich) semi-colony, and that planning interventions based on the latter assessment are not only likely to fail, they are a major diversion from the required strategy.

The Canadian political economy school has argued since the late 1960s that Canada shares economic and social characteristics with semi-colonial third world countries. Consistent with this 'dependency' influenced assessment of the Canadian social formation it has also usually argued that national economic sovereignty should be a strategic concern in popular and socialist programs. This study critically evaluates this view of the economic and social context for planning interventions in Canada, in particular by examining the main empirical evidence traditionally advanced in its favour, namely the relative extent of foreign economic control in the Canadian economy. The study first reviews the various characterizations of Canada in the political economy literature, with an emphasis on the empirical evidence offered in their support. It then extends and broadens previous examinations of foreign economic control in Canada using recently released Statistics Canada data on foreign control of corporate assets and revenue up to 1992, and by comparing Canada with other OECD countries on the basis of the extent of inward and outward foreign direct investment (FDI). The studies main findings are that: i) The exclusion of the financial industries in most previous discussions of the level of foreign economic control in Canada has resulted in the actual level being overstated - in nominal terms, by about one-quarter; ii) Contrary to dependency influenced predictions of the period, foreign control of the Canadian economy decreased very significantly after the early 1970s, though this declining trend apparently ended and even partially reversed after the mid 1980s. Given the central place of the US in dependency accounts it is notable that the decline in US economic control has been greater than for all foreign control, and does not appear to have recovered in the recent period up to 1992; iii) The dependency influenced categorization of Canada with countries like 'semicolonial' Argentina or even 'peripheral' Spain cannot be sustained when the evidence shows that in absolute, but especially relative terms, Canada ranks as a world leader in the scale of direct investments held in other countries. Canadian FDI in the US has also been growing considerably faster than has US FDI in Canada; iv) The level of foreign economic penetration in Canada is notably higher than most OECD countries. However, when the relative size of the Canadian economy, a 'natural' degree of continental integration and recent trends among other OECD countries are considered, Canada is not as exceptional in this regard as has often been suggested. The study concludes that this evidence indicates that Canada is more accurately conceived of as a major advanced capitalist country than a dependent (if rich) semi-colony, and that planning interventions based on the latter assessment are not only likely to fail, they are a major diversion from the required strategy. / Applied Science, Faculty of / Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of / Graduate

Canadian planners face an uncertain future. The communities which planners serve are experiencing significant change and seeking answers to the environmental, economic, and social factors affecting them Planners have been disparaged publicly and in writing by prominent popular writers, criticized by planning theorists, reproached by politicians and the public, and challenged from within and outside the profession to explore new ways of addressing the issues facing society. While planners have been caught up in those debates and issues, no one has asked planners what they think about the future of their profession. This study examines the state of Canadian planning^ asks practitioners what they think about their profession, and identifies the factors which affect the work of planners. The study is based upon a review of planning literature and a survey of Canadian planners. The literature review examines others' -mainly planning theorists'- primary research to explore the historic relationship between planners and city building and the influences of that relationship upon modem planning thought and practice. The study also reviews the evolution of modem planning theory and modern planning practice. The examination of the history and theory of planning provides a context for the exploration of practitioners' views of the nature and status of planning in Canada. The focus of the study is an analysis of the views of Canadian practitioners on the current state of planning. Five hundred and two questionnaires were sent to a random sample of members of the Canadian Institute of Planners (CIP), representing 14% of the Provisional and Full members. One hundred and tiiirty three or 27% of the sample responded. The results provide a detailed understanding of what Canadian planners identify as the issues facing Canadian planning practice. The study confirms that a majority of Canadian planners believe that planning practice is facing or is in a state of crisis. They suggest that the crisis is caused by a number of factors such as the political nature of planning decision-making, lack of public understanding of planning, and lack of understanding of planning by politicians. Many planners feel that planning is compromised by the politics of place and that, more and more, planning is facing conflicts of competing interests. In the face of those pressures, planners believe that most planners have become agents of order rather than agents of change. They suggest that the future of planning rests in identifying appropriate new concepts of planning action. A large number also believe that there is a weak linkage between the theory and practice of planning which threatens the well being of planning practice. Building upon the findings of the survey and Len Gertler's 1994 challenge to the Canadian Institute of Planners to identify a "more appropriate development model," the study suggests that a "new development model" could reinvigorate Canadian planning and build effective linkages between theory and practice. The study suggests the evolving concepts of healthy communities and sustainable development could provide a framework for such a model which could have a social reform and interventionist approach to community-based action. The dissertation offers suggestions on the potential form of the model and the role that the Canadian Institute of Planners could play in articulating it.

Urban and regional planning is now accepted as a legitimate function of government. But the evolution of Canadian planning from its inception at the turn of.the century to its new-found status as an objective technical exercise has been a profoundly complex process involving questions about the very nature of society. This thesis is an attempt to trace the development of the theory and practice of planning from its controversial beginnings at the turn of the century to its final acceptance as a necessary and desirable function of the state. At the beginning of the century it became clear that the rapid pace of urbanization and the capitalist institutions of private property and unregulated private markets were in serious conflict. The new urban, industrial order that accompanied capital accumulation was plagued by interdependences and interactions which made the unrestricted use of property an antiquated and dangerous illusion threatening the physical health of the population, the efficiency of the urban system, and the social stability of the entire society. Canadians responded to this conflict in three distinct and somewhat contradictory ways. One approach which was advocated by agrarian radicals was to implement reforms in Canadian society in order to revitalize rural life and reverse the undesirable trend of urbanization. The second approach, which was advocated by urban liberals, was to accept urbanization as both desirable and inexorable and to accommodate it by initiating limited reforms while still preserving the basic features of capitalism. The third response, advocated by urban radicals, was to accept urbanization as inexorable and to restructure capitalist institutions which were inimical to the sorts of government planning they thought was necessary to manage the new urban order. Urban and regional planning was considered as essential by all these groups. After going through several initial stages of development, a comprehensive body of planning theory which appealed to all three groups was formulated by leading Canadian planners such as Adams. This theory integrated the aesthetic concerns of city beautiful planning, the efficiency concerns of American city planning, and the equity concerns of British town planning. The theory envisaged a strong role for the state in controlling property and providing housing. By the twenties, the consensus that had formed around this theory of planning collapsed due to a gradual amelioration of urban problems and an overt confrontation between liberals and urban and agrarian radicals. During the twenties a new, more conservative theory of planning developed which emphasized the protection of private property and the provision of public infrastructure to accommodate private accumulation. Planners became allied with real estate interests who were eager to use zoning and other powers of the state to their advantage. With the collapse of the economy in the thirties, the latent ideological conflicts which had been submerged in the twenties reappeared with renewed vitality. The urban and agrarian radicals joined forces to form a socialist party dedicated to eradicating capitalism and replacing it with a planned economy. Liberals were forced to formulate a new system of both managing the crisis and preserving capitalism. Gradually they developed a new consensus that was based on the three principles of Keynesian stabilization policies, social welfare and sectoral planning for those areas of the economy plagued by market failures. Housing and land were defined as one of the sectors of the economy affected by market failures. Major government reports defined a new postwar system of urban and regional planning to mitigate these failures in land and housing markets. The reports were highly critical of the type of planning existing in the twenties, and proposed a new more comprehensive system of planning and of controls over property. The urban liberals, however, who were the dominant group, were apprehensive about the increased role of the state envisaged in these reports. Consequently, they only partially implemented the recommended reforms. Urban and regional planning, although strengthened, was ultimately subordinated to the interests of private markets and property. It again became a passive system of regulation providing necessary services to accommodate private expansion and regulations to enhance property rights. Nonetheless, its strengthened position ensured that the worst features of development were eliminated. The tendency of liberal planning to shift back and forth between more aggressive intervention during times of crisis and very passive intervention during times of stability has meant that, because of the long lag times between the emergence of crisis and the creation of plans and institutions capable of managing the crisis, Canadian planning has been strongest after the crisis has already subsided or when it has changed form. Consequently, the ability to plan has been highest when the need to plan has been lowest. One question raised by the thesis is why the more passive liberal approach to planning emerged as the dominant one.. It is argued that this is due, in large part, to Canada's unique character of economic development and class structure. Unlike countries such as Britain which developed more socialist modes of planning, urbanization in Canada was accompanied by a rapid expansion in agriculture and staple industries. Consequently, the Canadian response to development was logically divided between urban and rural concerns. Canada's industrial capitalist class and working class which were both promoting more aggressive urban planning were too weak to have much influence. The more powerful agrarian radicals and mercantile capitalists were able to direct attention away from the emerging urban problems to rural and resource issues which directly affected them. In the end, the urban liberals were successful in resolving the conflict between urbanization and capitalist institutions. Limited acceptance of urban and regional planning allowed for the successful management of urban problems within the framework of capitalist institutions. Whether it will continue to be successful in doing this only time will tell. / Applied Science, Faculty of / Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of / Graduate

Canadian planners face an uncertain future. The communities which planners serve are experiencing significant change and seeking answers to the environmental, economic, and social factors affecting them Planners have been disparaged publicly and in writing by prominent popular writers, criticized by planning theorists, reproached by politicians and the public, and challenged from within and outside the profession to explore new ways of addressing the issues facing society. While planners have been caught up in those debates and issues, no one has asked planners what they think about the future of their profession. This study examines the state of Canadian planning^ asks practitioners what they think about their profession, and identifies the factors which affect the work of planners. The study is based upon a review of planning literature and a survey of Canadian planners. The literature review examines others' -mainly planning theorists'- primary research to explore the historic relationship between planners and city building and the influences of that relationship upon modem planning thought and practice. The study also reviews the evolution of modem planning theory and modern planning practice. The examination of the history and theory of planning provides a context for the exploration of practitioners' views of the nature and status of planning in Canada. The focus of the study is an analysis of the views of Canadian practitioners on the current state of planning. Five hundred and two questionnaires were sent to a random sample of members of the Canadian Institute of Planners (CIP), representing 14% of the Provisional and Full members. One hundred and tiiirty three or 27% of the sample responded. The results provide a detailed understanding of what Canadian planners identify as the issues facing Canadian planning practice. The study confirms that a majority of Canadian planners believe that planning practice is facing or is in a state of crisis. They suggest that the crisis is caused by a number of factors such as the political nature of planning decision-making, lack of public understanding of planning, and lack of understanding of planning by politicians. Many planners feel that planning is compromised by the politics of place and that, more and more, planning is facing conflicts of competing interests. In the face of those pressures, planners believe that most planners have become agents of order rather than agents of change. They suggest that the future of planning rests in identifying appropriate new concepts of planning action. A large number also believe that there is a weak linkage between the theory and practice of planning which threatens the well being of planning practice. Building upon the findings of the survey and Len Gertler's 1994 challenge to the Canadian Institute of Planners to identify a "more appropriate development model," the study suggests that a "new development model" could reinvigorate Canadian planning and build effective linkages between theory and practice. The study suggests the evolving concepts of healthy communities and sustainable development could provide a framework for such a model which could have a social reform and interventionist approach to community-based action. The dissertation offers suggestions on the potential form of the model and the role that the Canadian Institute of Planners could play in articulating it. / Applied Science, Faculty of / Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of / Graduate

Under debate is how 'outside' planners can best work with different cultures to ensure inclusion and participation. It is evident why in general planners need to expand their understanding of different cultures if they are to work with them effectively and appropriately, but not enough empirical research has been undertaken on what planners find they need to know in the specific context of working with First Nations. On the basis of a literature review and the author's own extensive experience with First Nations, seven areas of knowledge (themes) were identified as likely to be relevant to outside planners working with First Nations. These seven knowledge themes guided interviews with nine planners who were asked which of these kinds of knowledge they found useful when working with First Nations in western and northern Canada, and Alaska, particularly when facilitating participatory planning. The first six identified themes concern knowledge of First Nations' value and traditional knowledge systems; authority relations; social organization; communication processes; participation processes; and capacity for planning. The seventh theme is knowledge about effective methods that planners can employ to facilitate participatory relationships with First Nations communities and individuals. The findings from the interviews add to our understanding of what outside planners need to consider when they work with First Nations. The findings are particularly instructive in the theme areas of First Nations' communication and participation processes, and in the area of planner practice. It was also found that while the seven areas of knowledge are relevant to planners at all stages of working with First Nations, they are particularly important when planners and First Nations begin their planning relationship, when planners first enter a community, and when planners are helping communities to develop their planning processes. Research is now needed on what First Nations' individuals themselves think planners should know if they are to be effective in promoting culturally appropriate, inclusive, and participatory planning in First Nations settings.

Under debate is how 'outside' planners can best work with different cultures to ensure inclusion and participation. It is evident why in general planners need to expand their understanding of different cultures if they are to work with them effectively and appropriately, but not enough empirical research has been undertaken on what planners find they need to know in the specific context of working with First Nations. On the basis of a literature review and the author's own extensive experience with First Nations, seven areas of knowledge (themes) were identified as likely to be relevant to outside planners working with First Nations. These seven knowledge themes guided interviews with nine planners who were asked which of these kinds of knowledge they found useful when working with First Nations in western and northern Canada, and Alaska, particularly when facilitating participatory planning. The first six identified themes concern knowledge of First Nations' value and traditional knowledge systems; authority relations; social organization; communication processes; participation processes; and capacity for planning. The seventh theme is knowledge about effective methods that planners can employ to facilitate participatory relationships with First Nations communities and individuals. The findings from the interviews add to our understanding of what outside planners need to consider when they work with First Nations. The findings are particularly instructive in the theme areas of First Nations' communication and participation processes, and in the area of planner practice. It was also found that while the seven areas of knowledge are relevant to planners at all stages of working with First Nations, they are particularly important when planners and First Nations begin their planning relationship, when planners first enter a community, and when planners are helping communities to develop their planning processes. Research is now needed on what First Nations' individuals themselves think planners should know if they are to be effective in promoting culturally appropriate, inclusive, and participatory planning in First Nations settings. / Applied Science, Faculty of / Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of / Graduate