The purpose of this research is to explore ways in which excess foreign exchange reserves can be effectively used in the Indian foreign exchange scenario. The research is based on the voluminous literature available on foreign exchange and the Indian economy. A discussion as to how the dynamic scenario in the economy has had an influence on the policies is initiated. The research endeavors to recommend possible ways to determine what the optimum reserve holdings should be. A look at different economic models and subsequent application to the Indian situation is made. A more proactive role for the central bank in managing foreign exchange reserves is suggested. Some of the important questions raised in this research are: Why do countries hold reserves? What are the motives behind this tendency to hoard reserves? What is an optimal level of reserve holdings? What are the reasons for the spurt in the Indian reserves position? Is India holding "excess" reserves? Can they be invested for higher returns? What role should the central bank play in managing forex reserves? What is the Indian central bank doing to address this situation? The paper is organized as follows. The first section discusses what is meant by foreign exchange reserves. Why do countries hold reserves and what are the motives behind this hoarding of reserves? The discussion then turns towards determining an optimum level of reserves with the help of existing models. The main finding is that the forex position in India is higher than it should be. The final section proposes various possibilities of investing these "excess" reserves in pursuit of higher returns; the role of the Reserve Bank of India (the central bank) is discussed in brief. The research discusses the possibilities of using these reserves for infrastructure purposes and in turn strengthening the internal dynamics of the Indian economy. / A Thesis Submitted to the Program in International Affairs in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Science. / Spring Semester, 2006. / March 30, 2006. / Reserve Adequacy, Foreign Exchange Reserves, Forex Uses, Exchange Rate / Includes bibliographical references. / James Cobbe, Professor Directing Thesis; Lee Metcalf, Committee Member; Stefan Norrbin, Committee Member.

This study examines the United States anti-communist psychological campaign in France during the Fourth Republic. Students of the Cold War have often neglected this American "psywar" as playing a defining role in the Franco-American relationship in the early Cold War era. Rather, it is frequently treated as an aside in overall histories of postwar Franco-American relations. I argue that the American campaign itself proved to be a central factor that shaped U.S.-French relations in the Fourth Republic (1946-1958) and well into the years beyond. This campaign was not just a reflection of American desires to reduce the influence of communism in France; it was also part of a determined U.S. effort to secure support for American policies and initiatives in Europe in the face of the Soviet threat. American officials linked communism in France with obstructionism of U.S. policies and anti-Americanism. Consequently, the U.S. anti-communist psychological campaign both influenced and was driven by American Cold War imperatives. Indeed, had the French been more responsive to U.S. foreign policy overtures and initiatives, it is unlikely that the United States would have intervened to the degree that it did in French affairs. The U.S. campaign came to permeate all aspects of French life and included American pressure on the French to adhere to U.S.-led foreign policy initiatives such as the Marshall Plan, NATO, and the European Defense Community (EDC), as well as related U.S. plans for a rearmed and reintegrated Germany. It also included American intrusions into French political and governmental processes as well as the labor movement. Finally, the American campaign sought to win French public opinion and mitigate the positive gains of Soviet peace initiatives through the Congress for Cultural Freedom (CCF), information and educational programs, and mass media. All of these elements were linked to the others under the guidance of the Psychological Strategy Board (PSB), created by President Harry Truman in April 1951, with representatives from the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), State Department, Department of Defense, United States Information Agency, and other interested parties. On January 31, 1952, the PSB approved PSB D-14c "Psychological Operations Plan for the Reduction of Communist Power in France" which consolidated the various anti-communist efforts initiated under the Truman administration and formalized the U.S. anti-communist psychological campaign in France. Fourth Republic France, however, understood the communist threat within a much different set of circumstances than did the United States. Communists in France enjoyed enormous prestige born of their participation in the Resistance. Moreover, communists held government positions, ran the largest trade union, and generally appealed to a French population who feared being drawn into yet another world war. French geography alone demanded a cautious foreign policy. The French understood that their country would be the battlefield if a war should break out between the two Cold War giants. Indeed, the governments of the Fourth Republic had to ensure not only their own political survival; they also had to guarantee that the French Republic could survive the Cold War. Therefore, although the French remained firmly aligned with the West and were in general agreement with the United States on basic Cold War policy issues, the French forged their own path, and in doing so, sometimes disagreed with U.S. foreign policy concepts (or certain aspects of them) as they did with respect to the EDC, Germany, and the role of NATO. These governments did so, not out of anti-Americanism, or because they were weak on communism, but because the exigencies of France's own domestic and foreign policies required it. In the end, the U.S. campaign failed to have the effect desired by U.S. officials. As the U.S. campaign intensified, the French of the Fourth Republic, who had been staunch U.S. allies and were anti-communist in their own right, became increasingly wary of U.S. intervention and sought more independence from the United States. Although the French remained generally aligned with U.S. policy in Europe, they did not do so unconditionally or with blanket acceptance of the American Cold War platform, and they sought to carve out a more independent and leading role for themselves in European affairs. / A Thesis Submitted to the Department of International Affairs in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts. / Spring Semester, 2006. / February 10, 2006. / Psychological Operations, Fourth Republic, Anti-Communism, France / Includes bibliographical references. / Max Paul Friedman, Professor Directing Thesis; Lee Metcalf, Committee Member; Michael Creswell, Committee Member.

Nationalism has been a driving force in both nation building and in spurring high levels of violence. As nations have become the norm in modern day society, nationalism has become detrimental to international law, which protects the powers of sovereignty. In the latter part of the twentieth century, secessionist groups and the international community alike have disputed the call for independence by citing the right to majority rule, despite legally bound borders. This paper examines the history of nationalism, with particular emphasis on the cases Serbia and Armenia. It explores the history of two disputed regions-Kosovo and Nagorno Karabakh, and analyzes those tragic events in the 1990's that placed them on the forefront of international relations. / A Thesis Submitted to the Department of International Affairs in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts. / Spring Semester, 2008. / September 28, 2007. / U.S.S.R., Yugoslavia, Nagorno Karabakh, Kosovo, Armenia, Serbia, Nationalism / Includes bibliographical references. / Jonathan Grant, Professor Directing Thesis; Peter Garretson, Committee Member; Mark Souva, Committee Member.

The case of Dražen Erdemoviæ before the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia is among the most important in modern international legal history. It represents the first time an accused has pled guilty to committing crimes against humanity before an international tribunal, but most importantly it was the first trial since those following World War II in which the issue of acting under duress was raised as a defense. The issue of admitting duress as a defense is of great importance to the nature of fairness in an international tribunal. As this issue was an unsettled matter of international law, this case produced important opinions, both for and against the use of the defense in a case involving the death of innocent people. Only months after the decision in Erdemoviæ, the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court was promulgated. This document took a decidedly different view of duress as compared to Erdemoviæ. This paper examines the Erdemoviæ case in detail and its impact on the Rome Statute. / A Thesis Submitted to the Department of International Affairs in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Science. / Summer Semester, 2008. / April 16, 2008. / Rome Conference, ICC, International Criminal Tribunal For The Former Yu, ICTY, Yugoslavia, International Law, Erdemovic, Interational Criminal Court / Includes bibliographical references. / H. Talbot D'Alemberte, Professor Directing Thesis; Daniel Maier-Katkin, Committee Member; Sumner Twiss, Jr., Committee Member.

This thesis is a comprehensive study of the negotiations on the Palestinian refugees in the Middle East peace process from 1948 to the present. The Palestinian refugees are an integral part of the Middle East peace process and, according to many analysts, the crux of the Israel-Palestinian conflict, with the right of return as the most difficult aspect of the refugee problem. The history of the refugee issue in the peace process can be divided into three periods. The first period begins with the proposal of UN Mediator Bernadotte in September 1948, which led to the adoption of UN Resolution 194 in December 1948. Resolution 194 created debate on the right of return and led to the Lausanne meetings (1949) which held significant discussion on the refugee issue. As the issue remained unresolved, international attention turned away from a political process to addressing the humanitarian needs of the refugees. During the second period, extending from Camp David I (1978) to the Oslo Process (1993), the refugee issue was subordinated to the questions of Palestinian self-determination and an interim self-government. The signing of the Declaration of Principles at Oslo deferred the refugee question along with Jerusalem, settlements, security arrangements, borders, relations and cooperation with other neighbors, to the final status negotiations. The Refugee Working Group, created as a result of the Madrid Conference (1991), was concerned primarily with humanitarian dimension of the problem, such as establishing guidelines for family reunification. The third period extends from the Stockholm talks (1995) to Taba (2001), where serious discussions about a resolution of the final status issues including the refugees, were undertaken. However, with the exception of Camp David II (2000), these talks were between either non-government officials or lower-ranking government officials. Only minimal progress was made on the refugee issue during this period. This lack of progress has been seen by both sides as an indication that this issue will remain a major impediment to peace in future negotiations. / A Thesis Submitted to the Department of International Affairs in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts. / Summer Semester, 2006. / April 6, 2006. / Palestinian Refugees, Negotiations, Right Of Return, Middle East Peace Process / Includes bibliographical references. / David Levenson, Professor Directing Thesis; Burton Atkins, Committee Member; Peter Garretson, Committee Member.

The human right to water entitles everyone to basic water and sanitation, but over 2.6 billion people lack access to these essential services. Private sector participation has emerged as a potential model for improving these conditions, but its advancement has been followed with a concern that the private sector's profit-seeking focus does not encompass the social priorities embodied by the human right to water. The debate is also reflective of a concern relating to the increasing place of business in the international system. That transnational water companies lie outside the jurisdiction of the international human rights regime, but are in a direct position to impact the realization of rights, emphasizes the concern over advancing private sector participation as a model for water services. This thesis will assess two main questions. First, is private sector participation compatible with the human right to water? Second, can transnational water corporations be held accountable to human rights standards? Through the investigations of these questions, this research will determine whether private sector participation is capable of advancing the right to water. Moreover, the investigation of these questions will aid in an understanding of how the field of human rights is evolving to encompass contemporary developments in the field. / A Thesis Submitted to the Department of International Affairs in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Science. / Fall Semester, 2010. / October 8, 2010. / private sector participation, human right to water, corporate social responsibility, economic social and cultural rights, water services, water management, water privatization / Includes bibliographical references. / Sumner B. Twiss, Professor Directing Thesis; Talbot D'Alemberte, Committee Member; Terry Coonan, Committee Member.

Playing a Dangerous Game of Telephone: the Role of Court Interpreters and Interpretation Error in Immigration and Other Court Proceedings analyzes the role of the court interpreter in immigration and other types of court proceedings. Like the game of Telephone, court proceedings are inherently acts of communication. Unlike Telephone, however, the communication chain is rather complicated. At their most basic level, court proceedings generally involve one judge, two attorneys, and a court reporter. When the chain is expanded to include parties, juries, or interpreters, the chain becomes more and more tenuous and subject to failure. In cases where court interpretation is involved, breakdowns along the chain of communication lead to discrepancies between the original and the interpretation, which are certainly not comical. In fact, these errors may actually result in fundamental injustice. In the worst cases, errors in interpretation result in the incarceration of the innocent or in improper deportations. The first two chapters introduce the reader to the topic, explaining the structure of the U.S. court system and how state and federal courts approach the use of court interpreters. Additionally, these chapters examine developing case law involving court interpretation outside of immigration proceedings, with an explanation of the difference between them vis a vis the concept of due process. The last two chapters focus on the immigration law setting. Concentrating on credibility hearings, this thesis analyzes case law regarding interpretation error in immigration proceedings and offers a practical guide to legal practitioners for anticipating where errors may occur through examples drawn from Russian and other language. / A Thesis submitted to the Program in Russian and Eastern European Studies in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Science. / Fall Semester, 2004. / October 27, 2004. / Immigration Law, Interpretation Error, Due Process / Includes bibliographical references. / Michael K. Launer, Professor Directing Thesis; Marilyn Young, Committee Member; Ljubisa Adamovich, Committee Member.

Iran's foreign policy in Central Asia and the South Caucasus since 1991 serves to show Tehran's foreign policy shift from revolutionary Islam to realpolitik. The Islamic Republic's failure to export the Islamic Revolution as well as economic troubles precipitated by the Iran-Iraq War led Tehran to act with more pragmatism in its foreign policy endeavors after Soviet Union disintegration. The shift to realpolitik reflects Iran's failure to support revolutionary Islam in Tajikistan as well as tacit support for Armenia instead of Azerbaijan in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. This paper examines the strong role power politics now play in Iran's foreign policy at the expense of revolutionary Islam, particularly with regards to its relationships with Central Asia, the South Caucasus, and Russia. / A Thesis submitted to the Department of International Affairs in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts. / Spring Semester, 2007. / April 4, 2007. / Iran-Iraq War, Caspian Sea Oil, Iran Foreign Policy, South Caucasus, Former Soviet Union, Central Asia, Foreign Policy Iran, Primakov Doctrine, Russia And Iran, Realpolitik, Revolutionary Islam / Includes bibliographical references. / Peter Garretson, Professor Directing Thesis; Jonathan Grant, Committee Member; Mark Souva, Committee Member.

The driving forces in the international oil industry have changed over time. The "threat for new entrants" was the determinant force until the 1960s, during the period when the majors dominated the industry through cartels. It was replaced by the "bargaining power of producers" when OPEC gradually acquired control over oil prices by nationalizing concessions in the 1970s. However, a "threat of substitute products" arose, posed by both non-OPEC oil and by alternative energies such as nuclear and natural gas. At the same time, the "bargaining power of buyers" increased as more non-OPEC oil was traded through spot and futures markets. As a result, OPEC lost control by the mid 1980s, and "intra-industry competition" has since become the determinant force in the current oil industry. Lacking oil reserves of its own, Japan has depended on the majors for its oil supply. The Japanese government tried to form an integrated national oil company, but that effort failed due to opposition from Japanese refineries. Those same oil companies have been protected by government regulations that restricted foreign participation. As a result, the Japanese oil industry possessed few assets in the upstream, while the downstream industry became inefficient and congested. After market liberalization in 1996, the "intra-industry competition" became intense in Japan, and M&A and alliances between oil companies were observed. It appears that for oil companies to survive in the global competition, it is necessary to (a) achieve both vertical and horizontal integration among oil companies, including trading companies, (b) purchase concessions in proven oil fields, where a high return is expected, and (c) establish outlet networks in Asia, where further growth in demand is expected. / A Thesis submitted to the Program of International Affairs in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science. / Summer Semester, 2004. / July 1, 2004. / Petroleum Industry, Japanese Oil Industry, Michael Porter, Oil Industry / Includes bibliographical references. / Gary A. Knight, Professor Directing Thesis; James H. Cobbe, Committee Member; Burton M. Atkins, Committee Member.

This thesis looks at how civil society organizations (CSOs) are working to address the issue of violence against women in Uganda. Specifically, it examines what types of organizations are working to address this issue, where their efforts fit into the public health ecological model for violence prevention, and to what extent they adopt a feminist perspective. In addition, I investigate how operational environments affect CSOs and what the organizations consider they have learned from their experiences. The study is primarily based on interviews conducted in the field with CSO representatives from various parts of Uganda. The findings suggest that the majority of the CSOs studied are grassroots or other indigenous women's organizations that undertake activities in multiple categories and thus adopt a holistic approach in addressing the issue of violence against women. Based on the public health ecological model for violence prevention, the overall picture that emerges is that the CSOs focus on primary level interventions, specifically concentrating their efforts on sensitization, awareness-raising, advocacy, and lobbying activities. In regards to their level of operations, my findings indicate that organizations favor community level interventions. All of the CSOs in the sample aim to address multiple at risk factors and most adopt a focus on multiple types of violence. In terms of the target population, the majority of interventions are universal, whereas both selective and indicated interventions primarily target women and girls. The study results indicate that the majority of the organizations adopt a feminist approach, either explicitly or implicitly. As a result, the CSOs focus on women's and girls' strategic interests and work towards the equal enjoyment of rights and opportunities. In addition, a majority of the activities that aim to address women's practical needs do so in ways that have high transformatory potential. Those interviewed report that CSOs face a variety of constraints from their operational environments. Inadequate human and financial resources, negative cultural and political climates, as well as competition between CSOs are impeding their efforts to end violence against women in Uganda. Only two positive factors were identified that contribute to the performance of CSOs – their dedicated members/staff/volunteers and networking with other organizations. From the CSO interview responses some common lessons emerged. These include addressing the causes instead of the symptoms of violence against women, in particular, addressing gender inequality and consequently involving men and other community members in violence prevention efforts. The organizations also emphasize the importance of appropriate methods and communication strategies when dealing with sensitive issues. Finally, although facilitating behavioral change is a long-term and arduous process, interventions that promote lasting change are considered critical in order to end gender-based violence. / A Thesis submitted to the Department of International Affairs in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science. / Fall Semester, 2006. / November 7, 2006. / Feminism, Civil Society Organizations, NGOs, Uganda, Violence Against Women, Gender Based Violence, CSOs, Feminist, Public Health / Includes bibliographical references. / Rebecca Miles, Professor Directing Thesis; Terence Coonan, Committee Member; Peter Easton, Committee Member.