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Based on library research this thesis examines the contribution of the SADC's peace and security efforts towards enhancing the larger security on the African continent. While it is acknowledged that peace and security involve peacemaking, peacekeeping and peace building; the research focused only on the peace and security mechanisms of SADC between 1966 and 2009. A central argument is that the SADC's peace and security system does enhance the evolution of a wider AU peace and security architecture. In furtherance of this argument, the thesis addressed the evolution of SADC from its predecessor the SADCC, the evolution of the African Stand by Force and the role of SADC in this process. In the end the study identified the necessity for certain policy reforms to ensure SADC's better contribution to AU's over all peace and security architecture: i) being donor-driven, SADC should remain the driver of its projects and set its own agenda for projects and strengthen its financial management systems in order to attract international funding; ii) SADC members should commit themselves to implementing its policies and strengthening its National Committees (SNCs); iii) The responsibilities of the SADC secretariat need to be revisited to grant it more executive powers on decision-making for achieving its security agenda; iv) Limited and inadequate staffing hampers SADC's overall security objectives, therefore, the SADC secretariat must be supported with additional capacity in competent programme management, planning, monitoring, finance, procurement and administration; and, v) HIV/Aids remains a challenge for SADC's peacekeepers and a policy should be implemented to cater for peacekeepers by specifying a timeframe and length of period for deployment of military personnel on peacekeeping missions with a moratorium set for much high ranking officials overseeing such missions.

Includes bibliographical references. / This thesis explores how the global financial crisis (GFC) has impacted on the distribution of power within the international financial architecture (IFA). In order for us to be able to study the effects of economic power there must be some way in which we measure it or identify its presence. Traditionally this has been done by measuring national gross domestic product (GDP) as the best indicator of market size. In light of the shifts in global economic power - evidenced through the rise of the emerging powers, and exacerbated by the global financial crisis, this study seeks to assess whether the global financial crisis has affected the relevance of market size, liquidity and the current account as economic power indicators in the international financial architecture.

The suspension of Zimbabwe from the IMF's Poverty Reduction and Growth Facility (PRGF) in 2001 has been justified as resulting from loan repayment arrears and failed macroeconomic policies. This dissertation argues that these justifications oversimplify the relationship between the Fund and Zimbabwe in the 2000s. As such, three factors are essential for a more comprehensive analysis into the country's foreign policy- the state type, the impact of bargaining between factions of different ideological underpinnings (internationalists vs. nationalists), and land reform. The socio-economic context of neocolonialism and the negative impact of the Economic Structural Adjustment Programme (ESAP) on the domestic level, and comprehensive economic sanctions on the international sphere forged a radicalised state. The Land Reform and Resettlement Programme (LRRP) became the conduit through which economic redistribution occurred and the structural cleavages it created were significant in defining the political ‘rules of the game'. We argue that foreign policy analysis of a radicalised state specifically necessitates a closer look at the symbiotic synergies between domestic bargaining and international negotiation. Through the lens of Putnam's Two Level games hypothesis, we conclude that there were four main factors that determined the country's foreign policy towards the IMF and the failure of the negotiations- there was a prioritisation of domestic political considerations over external conditionalities; there was an incompatibility of ‘win-sets' between the IMF and Zimbabwe; that comprehensive sanctions reduced the IMF's bargaining space; and domestic ideological divergence between neoliberal ‘internationalists and radical ‘nationalists' undermined the negotiations.

Includes abstract. / Includes bibliographical references. / "The Role of PMCs (Private Military Companies) in Counter-insurgency Combat in Afghanistan (2001 to 2010)" aims to identify the primary combat roles which PMCs played while in support of U.S. forces during the counterinsurgency campaign in Afghanistan from 2001-2010. It first provides background on a number of issues, including U.S. legal and policy themes regarding PMCs, their previous use in combat situations while supporting U.S. foreign policy goals, and the insurgency and counterinsurgency campaign in Afghanistan.

The main objective of this minor dissertation is to unpack the convoluted bilateral relationship between the Kingdom of Lesotho and the Republic of South Africa. Lesotho's extreme dependence on South Africa is explored in terms of geopolitical dependence, labour migration, the Southern African Customs Union (SACU) and royalties accrued from the Lesotho Highlands Water Project (LHWP). The exhaustive amount of literature that explores these themes of Lesotho's dependence clearly reflects the dominance of South Africa during the apartheid and post-apartheid eras. A factor that further complicates these analyses is that South Africa, an 'economic giant' on the African continent, is dependent on the water resources of the politically and economically weaker, landlocked Lesotho. In consideration of South Africa's dependence on Lesotho's water, the relationship can be regarded as an interdependent relationship. The concept of interdependence and the theory of complex interdependence provide some theoretical basis from which to analyse the 'web of interactions' between the two countries. While apartheid South Africa was regarded as the quintessential realist actor, the post-apartheid government aimed to shed the skin of its predecessor's hegemonic pursuits in southern Africa. Post-apartheid South Africa has faced criticism as a nation-state that has unilaterally manipulated Lesotho in pursuit of maintaining its national interest, reducing the values of transfers from dependence factors. While the relationship may be characterised as asymmetrical interdependence, the nature of the relationship is not entirely the same as in the post-apartheid era. Each factor of dependence needs to be reflected on in order to shed light on the historical and current contexts that shows that the likelihood of interdependence would be sustained. South Africa's role should not be perceived merely in terms of power manipulation, but also in terms of factors of benevolence and cooperation that have changed the nature of the relationship between the two countries. In addition, there are factors not determined by South Africa that help to maintain the politically and economically fragile position of Lesotho.

Includes bibliographical references (leaves 113-120).

Includes abstract. / Due to China's growing energy needs that stem from its unrelenting drive for economic development, Beijing stresses the importance of maintaining a continuous supply of energy, particularly oil, to maintain its impressive economic growth. However, seeing as China's domestic resources are unable to satisfy its projected future oil demands, the Chinese realise that, barring significant domestic oil discoveries, their dependency on oil imports, particularly from the Middle East, will continue to increase. Since the international oil scene is dominated by Western energy companies, China's fuel procurement strategy reflects a mercantilist approach to improving its position vis-a-vis established energy consuming nations. Beijing's mercantilist stance in securing energy resources is particularly demonstrated in its oil diplomacy, which makes use of various political and economic incentives that can only be employed by the state. China's energy-centric form of diplomacy has been inevitably extended to the globe's most hydrocarbon affluent regions. Of significant importance to the Chinese is the Middle East, particularly the Persian Gulf as it contains a large stake of the world's proven oil reserves. China has thus sought to improve its relations with Persian Gulf nations such as Iran. However, Iran's relentless pursuit to obtain nuclear capabilities has implicated China in Iranian-American tensions. Although China has sought to steer clear of becoming embroiled in the Iranian nuclear situation due to its improved standing in the Gulf, Beijing has unavoidably become a significant actor in the diplomatic brinkmanship over Iran's nuclear situation. The scenario surrounding Iran's nuclear ambitions essentially pits China's national interests of energy security against its desire to maintain favourable relations with the United States. In light of this, the following thesis - "by means of a literature survey" attempts to address how Beijing manages to maintain Iranian oil imports and uphold stable relations with Washington in the face of American-led international sanctions against Iran.

Includes bibliographical references.

Includes bibliographical references (p. 53-56)