The interplay of religion and politics has been a consistent theme in the comparativepolitics of identity, and more specifically with regard to Middle Eastern politics Yetcoverage of religion and politics in the region is generally focused on the Muslimmajority and neglects the existence and impact of non-Muslim religious elements inMiddle Eastern societies. The most prominent of these are the various groups ofChristian Arabs.This work begins with a reassessment of common comparative theoretical approaches tothe study of religion and politics. It introduces a critical and dynamic constructivistapproach to religion, defining it as belief'. Using belief the political environment, andrelative demographics as a guide, it creates four general types of Christian groups as ameans to understand Christian group activation. These types match up with three generalmodes of engagement with the outside political culture in Middle Eastern contexts:competitive-nationalistic systems, neo-millet systems, and secular non-sectarian systems.These analytical tools are applied to the political activity of Christian groups in threeMiddle Eastern polities: Egypt, Lebanon, and Palestine. In Egypt, a stable neo-milletsystem is the result of the dominance of a single deferential organization amongChristians: the Coptic Orthodox Church. In Lebanon, years of competitive nationalisticpolitics have given way to an emergent neo-millet system as a result of the decline inidentity-based nationalistic parties and the increasing prominence of the traditionalChurch hierarchy. Among Palestinians, nominalism, deference, and voluntaristicactivism mix to create a neo-millet system with aspects of other systems of engagement.This study concludes that neo-millet systems are the natural outcome of a stronglyidentity-focused religious belief system among Arab Christians, one the author terms"tower-keep" theology. However, the dynamics of change fostered by new styles ofbelief, the challenges of responding to an eroding population base, and the influence ofdiaspora communities and coreligionists abroad all point to new systems of engagementto come in the future.

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The objective of this study is to analyse the contemporary political role of Christianity in the Middle East. This will be achieved by focusing on the office of the patriarch. In most of the Eastern Christian churches, the patriarch is widely accepted as the spiritual head of the community and, throughout the centuries, this authority has often been translated into temporal power. Although other communal actors have challenged the dominant position of the patriarch, this dual role as spiritual and civil leader provides resources which can be used to strengthen the claim to be the political representative at the expense of lay rivals. The case studies selected for this project - the Coptic Orthodox and the Maronite churches - share several key characteristics. Firstly, both evoke a distinct identity on the basis of faith yet are directly linked to a specific homeland - Egypt and Lebanon respectively. In contrast to spiritual leaders of communities which are not concentrated in one particular country, the Coptic Orthodox and Maronite patriarchs have the potential to become involved in national affairs if desired. Secondly, both communities have pressing if different concerns as indigenous Christians in a turbulent regional environment dominated by another religion - Islam. The vast majority of these relate to the position of the community in the homeland. Thirdly, both communities have recently experienced widespread expansion outside the traditional territory in the Middle East. This allows an examination of the impact this growth has had on both the church and community at home and abroad. Fourthly, since becoming the head of each church, Patriarch Shenouda III, Coptic Orthodox Patriarch of Alexandria and all Africa and Patriarch Nasrallah Boutros Sfeir, Patriarch of Antioch and all the East of the Maronites, have proven to be charismatic and influential figures in church and national affairs. They have clearly played significant parts in relations between the community and state in the decades since their election to office. Finally, the two case studies have been selected as they best represent the potential of Christian communities to have a political role in this region. While the Copts constitute only a small proportion (5-10% depending on the identity of the source) of the Egyptian population, they are still the largest Christian community in the Middle East, numbering around 5-6 million. In contrast, the Maronites are a small community in terms of size. It is estimated that there are no more than 600,000 Maronites in Lebanon. Yet within Lebanon, they still make up over 20% of the population, offering them a chance to have a significant impact on national affairs. This study proposes that the patriarch exercises a political role because of his position as the head of the community. The authority and tradition of the office is constantly invoked to reinforce this position. In the contemporary period, this can be attributed to the desire to fill the leadership vacuum which exists amongst Christians in the Middle East.

The use of violence in the Israel/Palestine conflict has been justified and legitimised by an appeal to religion. Militant Islamist organisations like Ramas have become central players in the Palestinian political landscape as a result of the popular support that they enjoy. This thesis aims to investigate the reasons for this support by analysing the Israel/Palestine conflict in terms of Ruman Needs Theory. According to this Theory, humans have essential needs that need to be fulfilled in order to ensure survival and development. Among these needs, the need for identity and recognition of identity is of vital importance. This thesis thus explores the concept of identity as a need, and investigates this need as it relates to inter-group conflict. In situating this theory in the Israel/Palestine conflict, the study exammes how organisations like Ramas have Islamised Palestinian national identity in order to garner political support. The central contention, then, is that the primary identity group of the Palestinian population is no longer nationalist, but Islamic/nationalist. In Islamising the conflict with Israel as well as Palestinian identity, Ramas has been able to justify its often indiscriminate use of violence by appealing to religion. The conflict is thus perceived to be one between two absolutes - that of Islam versus Judaism. In considering the conflict as one of identities struggling for survival in a climate of perceived threat, any attempt at resolution of the conflict needs to include a focus on needs-based issues. The problem-solving approach to negotiation allows for parties to consider issues of identity, recognition and security needs, and thus ensures that the root causes of conflicts are addressed, The contention is that this approach is vital to any conflict resolution strategy where identity needs are at stake, and it provides the grounding for the success of more traditional zero-sum bargaining methods. A recognition of Islamic identity in negotiation processes in Israel/Palestine may thus make for a more comprehensive conflict resolution strategy, and make the outcomes of negotiations more acceptable to the people of Palestine, thus undermining the acceptance of violence that exists at present.