Although a relatively large amount of literature dealing with the demography of the People’s Republic of China has been published in recent decades, few sociologists and demographers have engaged in comparative studies of China’s ethnic minority populations. In fact, one of the major problems associated with China’s attempts at modernization today has been the uneven development of the Han majority, and its 55 different minority nationalities. This paper is an attempt to fill this void. I focus on the residential segregation of China’s minority populations from the Han majority in 2000. I calculate dissimilarity indexes of the degree of residential segregation from the majority Han for each of the 55 minority groups. I conduct my analyses at both the provincial and county levels. I then analyze the variation in residential segregation with independent variables, measuring for each minority group its levels of socioeconomic and demographic development and women’s status. Major contributions of my paper are advancing our understanding of the patterns of residential segregation of China’s minority nationalities from the Han majority and rethinking some of the possible causes of ethnic conflict in China today.

The goal of this study is to examine racial residential segregation in U.S. metropolitan and nonmetropolitan areas. The study uses 1990-2010 decennial census data to answer a broad theoretical question: is the historical black-white color line being replaced by a black-nonblack or white-nonwhite color line? The results show that blackwhite segregation is higher than black-nonblack and white-nonwhite segregation in metropolitan areas, nonmetropolitan areas, and the United States as a whole. A multivariate analysis reveals that population size tends to be associated with higher segregation in metropolitan areas and lower segregation in nonmetropolitan areas. As a control variable, diversity seems to play an important role in segregation by U.S. region. The study concludes that further research is needed to examine how the color line might change, especially in nonmetropolitan areas, which experienced rapid minority population growth during the 2000s.

In the United States, nobody can survive without depending on the income of oneself or of those that support them. Thus, economic opportunity and its skewed availability is pertinent to everyone. With income inequality in the United States measured in the early 2010s reaching some of the highest estimates among nations around the globe, people seek to investigate the forces behind this phenomenon and reverse it. This paper focuses on some of the many cycles and structures that exist to reinforce the challenges of achieving economic equality. Specifically, I extrapolate data to measure the correlations between the Great Recession and measures of income disparity. I then measure the effects across suburban, urban, and rural areas to highlight their differences. The paper further explains the relationship among the three, their relevance to the economy, and general directions in which organizations can circumvent the negative trends observed from the data.

I conduct a case study of Atlanta's metropolitan core in order to provide a rich, detailed analysis of urban neighborhoods, and to document the persistence of racial inequalities. Using Census 2000 block group data, I examine racial residential segregation in the five core counties of Atlanta between whites and minority groups, as well as among minority groups. I find high levels of residential segregation between whites and blacks, as well as between blacks and Asians, and blacks and Hispanics; segregation is lower between whites and Asians, and whites and Hispanics. I also investigate neighborhood characteristics like percentage poverty and educational attainment in neighborhoods with different racial compositions. These results highlight the advantages found in predominately white neighborhoods compared to racially concentrated minority neighborhoods, particularly African American and Latino neighborhoods. Overall, this thesis shows that residential stratification remains a hallmark indicator of racial inequality through the opening of the twenty-first century in Atlanta.

Residential segregation is an issue where multiple variables such as race, class, and income converge. Identifying the remaining variables contributing to the continuation of residential segregation is what remains in order to understand the issue completely. A possible variable that has yet to be considered is the effect that the name of a road has on the surrounding area. The objective of this research is to identify the relationship between Division Streets and residential segregation. Although this relationship may not be causal, the existence of any tie between labels as apparent as 'division' on a road where residential segregation is prominent has many implications. Although it has proven difficult to explain the origin and intent of the name of a road, this research looks to more deeply investigate the situation. Residential segregation is a multifaceted topic and the effect of road labels on society's perception of an area is an untapped resource in defining the situation of residential segregation. Working within the framework that was set up by Massey in the early 1990s this research strives to create a complete picture of residential segregation. Data were collected online from the map application on the website Google. With this technology the largest 100 cities in the United States were searched and as not every city had a Division Street the pool of potential cities to be analyzed diminished. Forty of the 100 largest cities had Division Streets in their city limits. Utilizing the program SimplyMap it was determined that of these 40 Division Streets, only eleven roads served as boundaries for block groups as collected by the United States Census Bureau. These eleven roads were analyzed to determine if there were differences in levels of racial residential segregation on either side. Findings will reveal the relationship between the names of roads and areas of residential segregation.; This research does not offer any suggestions on how to eliminate or remedy residential segregation; rather it identifies areas of concern. Ultimately, this data will contribute another layer of understanding about residential segregation.

Research has long established that racial/ethnic minority residential segregation is related to a variety of social problems, including poor health and health care outcomes. Yet, little research in this area has attempted to tease out the mechanisms underlying this association. Furthermore, within this work, few studies address this relationship for racial/ethnic minority groups outside of the Black/White differences. In this dissertation, I argue that community organizations and service providers in neighborhoods provide important local sites which can improve residents' access to key health-related resources. I put this forward as a mechanism which can link segregation to health and health care outcomes, in that racial/ethnic minority neighborhoods are less likely to have a variety of such establishments compared to their White counterparts. I test this mechanism through a series of three empirical studies. In the first, using a nation-wide health data set combined with metropolitan area measures, I examine the association between racial residential segregation and poor self-rated health. I include the three largest racial/ethnic minority groups in the U.S. - Blacks, Latinos, and Asians. I find that the segregation of each group is related to a greater likelihood of poor self-rated health. However, for Black respondents, this is partially accounted for by economic variables at the metropolitan level, and for Asian respondents, is fully accounted for by recent immigration. In the second study, I analyze the distribution of health-related facilities by segregation status using a nation-wide Census data source. I find that racial residential segregation for Blacks, and to a lesser extent Latinos and Asians, is related to a decrease in the density of such facilities, including food sources, fitness facilities, pharmacies, a number of health care organizations, civic society, and social services. The inclusion of socio-economic indicators removes this effect for most of the health care organization outcomes, across all three groups. In the third and final study, I examine this full pathway using the case of the Phoenix urbanized area. Using a 2013-2014 survey of families about their children's health care utilization combined with area-level Census measures, I test where families are able to obtain care for their children, if any location, in light of what is physically proximate to them in space, and how this may be patterned or constrained by the segregation status of their local neighborhood. I find that Latino and Native American segregation is related to a decreased number of health care facilities. Further, the lack of such facilities is related to a decreased likelihood of families being able to utilize a physician's office as their regular source of care, versus a clinic or health care center. However, for those who do not have a regular source of care, or who utilize an emergency room, this seems to be patterned more by economic considerations, chiefly whether or not the child has health insurance. Further, the distribution of health care organizations also accounts for a sizable portion of the effect of segregation on health care utilization choices. As a whole, this dissertation demonstrates that segregation, for a number of racial/ethnic minority groups, is related to a lower density of a number of health-related organizations, both in a nationwide analysis, as well as through an extended case study of the Phoenix area. Moreover, using the Phoenix case, I find that the lack of such facilities is consequential, and that at least for certain health care providers, patterns where families are able to go for their children's health care needs. This suggests that the distribution of health-related organizations and service providers across communities may serve as an important explanatory mechanism to understand the association between segregation and a variety of health and health care outcomes.

A university has been shown to have a positive effect on society and has led to greater awareness of the social problems found in our towns today and a willingness to openly discuss and resolve them. Universities have a social and civic role that improves the social living conditions in the areas surrounding them. A university also improves the local economy by creating jobs and attracting new businesses which in turn lead to an improved infrastructure and a subsequent decrease in residence segregation. Residential segregation is a growing phenomenon in Sweden where students living in disadvantaged areas are less likely to succeed in school than students living in more advantaged areas, as is often shown by their school results. The purpose of this study is to analyze a university’s effects on high school student’s grades in different socioeconomic living areas in Sweden. Is there a correlation between the student’s grades in these areas and the presence of a university in the region? To analyze these effects, a multilevel regression model in two scales has been used. his thesis shows that a direct correlation exists between high school students’ grades and the presence of a university in the region. A university has a strong improving effect on the grades of students from highly resourceful areas. The study further illustrates that although a new university will lead to an improvement of the general standard of education of a region, the introduction of more universities does not result in an increase in the number of people with a university education.

This thesis will examine the effects of residential segregation, exclusionary zoning, and gentrification on low-income minorities in inner cities. The research will show the relationship between housing inequalities and institutional classism and racism. In addition, the research will examine the use of public policies and regulations that maintain the existing isolation and concentration of minorities and low-income families through disinvestment.

Unlike major cities across the country, New Orleans did not have the power to expropriate property to engage in urban renewal projects after 1954. Yet city officials desperately sought to meet the ends of urban renewal, specifically through public claims of slum clearance and private motivation to speed along neighborhood segregation. Hamstrung in their efforts to move forward with taking residents' homes for private redevelopment, the city worked to reach its urban renewal goals by taking property for public works projects, including public housing. The city's decision to build the Guste and Fischer housing projects represents a case study of how officials, including Mayor deLesseps “Chep” Morrison, the City Planning Commission, and the Housing Authority of New Orleans, worked together to create a more racially separate city in the age of Brown v. Board of Education.

New Orleans has had a consistently high homicide rate for around twenty years, but limited research has committed to discovering a successful solution to the pre- and post-Katrina crime problem. Prior research has been conducted to analyze whether the Southern “culture of violence,” poverty, income inequality, unemployment, gun ownership and legislation, gangs, and residential segregation affect homicide, but no study applies these factors to New Orleans. Using a case study analysis that applies these variables studied in prior research to New Orleans and information acquired from the 2010 U.S. Census Bureau, American Community Survey, and the Federal Bureau of Investigation’s Uniform Crime Reports, correlations are made between homicide in New Orleans and poverty, income inequality, and residential segregation. Implications show that homicide is affected by multiple factors. All of these factors should be analyzed when homicide is the focus of the research because homicide is not a result of one or two variables.