My research examines the social and material life of gnosis for the contemporary Sufi community in post-revolutionary Iran. In contrast to literatures which confine Sufism to the literary and poetic realms, I investigate the ways in which gnosis (mystical epistemology) is re-configured as a series of techniques for navigating the realm of the everyday. In particular, I focus on the ways in which mystical knowledge (ma'arifat-e 'erfani) is utilized by the Sufis to position themselves as outside of the socio-political areana, a move that, within the context of the Islamic Republic, in and of itself possesses vast political and social repercussions. I approach gnosis in two ways: both as object of study but also as critical lens, utilizing the Sufis' own mystical epistemology to guide me in understanding and interpreting my ethnographic case studies. In my dissertation, I address the following questions: What is the role of the Sufis, a group positioned on neither side of the orthodoxy-secular divide, within post-revolutionary Iran? How does a religious group attempt to create and maintain a disavowal of the political realm in a theocracy? More broadly, what is the role of mysticism within late modernity, and how might such a question be answered anthropologically? At the heart of my dissertation is the analysis of four ethnographic case studies. In each instance, I illustrate the way that the Sufis' own concept of mystical knowledge may be used to interpret topics as varied as the relationship between commemorative (dhikr) rituals and national identity to the negotiation of state interference to the practice of youth-organized poetry readings to the spatial organization of meeting places. I trace the affective and sensory dimensions of gnosis as it influences the mystics' understanding of the body, memory, place, language, and their socio-theological position within Iranian modernity more broadly. By analyzing the question of the "apolitical," my dissertation intervenes into the presumed distinction between the aesthetico-epistemological and the political divide, tracking a group that favors not direct resistance or outright evasion, but a more elusive engagement. My dissertation may be utilized by those interested in questions of knowledge production, aesthetics and affect, and alternatives to the religious-secular divide.

Iranians who were marginalized by Ruhollah Khomeini’s Islamicization of the 1979 Iranian Revolution nevertheless fought for Iran in the Iran-Iraq War (1980-1988). This has been ignored in popular discourse and academic scholarship. But leaving out the historical willingness of people from across the political and religious spectrums to die in the “Sacred Defense” has left us misunderstanding Iranian nationalism. In this dissertation, I argue that the willingness of “secular” Iranians to sacrifice for Iran results from internal conflicts over the sacred Iran, and the concomitant sacrifices, that occurred in the four preceding decades. I demonstrate that during this period religion and sacrificial rhetoric and imagery were intrinsic to groups across the political spectrum and not just to the political right (e.g., Khomeini), as existing research has it. Civil society engaged in a transformative discourse about Iran not just as a country or homeland (vatan) but as the sacred (moqadas) necessitating sacrifice (feda kardan). The deployment of writings, speeches, and images of Iran as sacred at the time of the Allied Forces Invasion in 1941 became politically ubiquitous by 1953. The battle between the Shah and the Liberal-Left being waged at this time was an ideological and physical contestation of each’s vision for their distinct, future, sacred Iran. By re-contextualizing both sides as utopian ideologues, I change the historical narrative to show an entrenched, continuous confrontation in the subsequent decades before the Iran-Iraq War over divergent, idealized notions of the nation-state. This period of “sacrificial creationism,” as I describe it, over contending visions of the sacred produced “the nation” and identified its people as “nationals” beyond the conceptualization of social and political elites who advanced an official state nationalism. This sacrificial creationism generated the charged sentiment and popular participation that united Iranians against the Iraqi invasion, a unity that crossed political and religious affiliations to include Christians, Zoroastrians, and the Fedayeen-e Khalq. Now, just like other nation-states, Iran became the higher, meaning-making entity—the sacred—that transcends individual interests.