Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2002. / Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 176-194). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.

This study examines the extreme right wing political tendency in Great Britain during the interwar years and particularly its relationship to technological modernity. The far right has been much misunderstood and under-researched, often seen as part of "Appeasement Conservatism" and as a group of out-dated elites inhibiting Britain's modernization. In fact, this study suggests, the extreme right was distinct from Tory Conservatism and promoted its own (exclusionary and objectionable) paradigm of modernism. In its policies, rhetoric, and practices, the far right, above all, advocated a technically modernized Britain. Only such a modernized state, they believed, (in terms of industrial and military strength), could take its place in the new generation of Great Powers in a predatory and chaotic world. Extreme right leaders were convinced that Britain must insulate itself from such economic and political chaos by preserving its Empire, creating an autarkic economy, eliminating "foreign elements" at home, and by creating a lethal modern defense. For Britain to accomplish these objectives, it would have to master and apply modern science and technology on a national scale. For Britain to maintain (or re-assert) its former world leadership, said the far right, it had to become a "Great Technological Nation." Members of Britain's extreme right were especially influenced by the fascist dictatorships - their crushing of Marxism, their supposed elimination of class war, and especially their apparent accomplishments of modernization. A disproportionate number of British fascists and fascist supporters were key members of Britain's industrial and high-tech. elite. As they praised the dictatorships and attacked Britain's liberal-democratic system, they used issues of national modernization (aviation, modern highways, radio communications, military mechanization) as a key battlefield for political debate. In such debates they routinely positioned their own tendency as the best hope for progress against the supposed irrationality of the left and the alleged ineptitude of professional politicians created by democracy.

Zugl.: Berlin, Techn. Univ., Diss., 2005 u.d.T.: Borrmann, Stefan: Wissenschaftlich begründete Leitlinien für die Praxis sozialer Arbeit

Honors Project--Smith College, Northampton, Mass., 2009. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 30-32).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Universität München, 1998. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 211-225).

No description available.

Support for far-right ideas and parties continues to be widespread despite significant efforts to curb it. Even in Germany, a country that underwent unusually far-reaching reforms after the Holocaust and the defeat of the Nazi regime, and that is often used as an example for how to deal with a fraught past, the threat of the far right gaining power is looming large and attitudes associated with far-right support continue to be widespread. This dissertation examines sources of persistence and change with respect to far-right support, using post-WWII Germany as a case. I used a mixed-methods approach, combining statistical analysis of observational data with in-depth qualitative analysis of archival data and an experiment. The three studies highlight the potentials and limits of three avenues for change: the political incorporation of right-leaning voters into mainstream center-right parties, education reforms to overcome far-right ideology, and interventions that inform people about past atrocities and injustices. Chapter 1 provides an overview of three pathways identified across the social sciences through which the past shapes social and political outcomes in the present: institutional path dependence, political socialization, and collective memory. I explain how these three pathways relate to the issue of far-right support. Chapter 2 draws on historical and contemporary election data and social statistics as well as secondary sources by historians to examine sources of regional variation in the support for far-right parties in Germany over time. I show how differences in the political incorporation of right-leaning displaced Germans resulted in different regional trajectories of far-right support. Where the center-right party was firmly embedded in the local social milieu and focused on its pre-existing voter base, it remained closed to right-leaning displaced voters, and far-right support persisted. Where the party could not build on a pre-existing voter base and collaborated with other parties on the right, it broadly incorporated conservative constituencies across social differences, resulting in a decline in far-right support. Chapter 3 is based on the qualitative analysis of 125 school student essays from 1950s West Germany about the German nation and the idea of an integrated Europe. I investigate ideas about belonging and supremacy among the first generation that grew up after WWII and the Holocaust and that was educated following the Allies’ comprehensive re-education efforts. I show how school students defined German-ness and European-ness based on ideas of shared culture, criticizing nationalism and largely embracing a joint European identity. At the same time, this move to cultural, as opposed to racial, conceptions of belonging, as well as the emphasis on Europe as a meaningful, shared category of belonging, did not preclude claims of superiority both within Europe as well as vis-à-vis other parts of the world. Chapter 4, a co-authored study, uses an original survey experiment to test the effectiveness of confronting people with different forms of factual information about a past atrocity that the national majority group was implicated in, for improving their attitudes towards minoritized groups and mobilizing them for symbolic justice and action against discrimination today. We randomly assigned German participants one of three prototypical representations of the Holocaust or a neutral control condition text. Results indicate that all three conditions are overall effective and that the personal story condition is especially effective for far-right supporters. Chapter 5 concludes with a discussion of implications and limitations, and suggests directions for future research.

Three models are developed to analyze the state level conditions fostering the rise of far right parties in the European Union in the last two decades. The political background of these parties is examined. This study offers a definition for far right parties, which combines several previous attempts. The research has focused on the effects of the number of the parties, immigration, and unemployment on support for the far right in Europe. Empirical tests, using a random effects model of fifty elections in eight nations, suggest that there are political, social, and economic conditions that are conducive to electoral success. Specifically, increases in the number of "effective" parties favor the far right, while electoral thresholds serve to dampen support. Immigration proves to be a significant variable. Surprisingly, changes in crime and unemployment rates have a negative effect on support for the far right. Suggestions for future research are offered.

This thesis examines Bitzer's model of the rhetorical situation by using it, in combination with elements of Bormann's fantasy theme analysis to perform a criticism of radical right rhetoric. First, it identifies the exigencies that give rise to the sovereignty rhetoric employed by members of the radical right. This analysis then determines whether the speech meets the needs of its intended audience. To accomplish this task, two websites are analyzed: the Posse Comitatus/Christian Identity website and that of the Republic of Texas, a secessionist, common law/sovereign citizen's site. These websites claim to be the official websites of the two organizations. The analysis is a generative analysis, combining Bitzer's model of rhetorical situation with aspects of Bormann's fantasy theme analysis. Through performing the analysis, weaknesses and areas for improvement in Bitzer's model will be identified.Sovereignty and common law rhetoric comes in many variations, but all revolve around a central principle - that there are two classes of citizenship. United States citizenship is conferred by the Fourteenth Amendment and is accepted by participation in programs such as social security (Nagle, 1996). This form of citizenship is subject to extensive regulation and taxation. However, sovereignty rhetoric focuses on state citizenship. This type of citizenship is conferred by common law and can be recaptured by rejecting U.S. citizenship. Advocates of sovereignty argue that state citizens are not subject to most federal laws and cannot be taxed by the federal government.Why study common law/sovereign citizen rhetoric? There is broad crosspollination among extremist groups, and sovereignty rhetoric is a consistent theme for many of these groups (Shapiro, 1995). For example, individuals convicted of abortion bombings have had militia ties, and tax protestors attend preparedness expos' (Tharp & Holstein, 1997). Likewise, events such as the death of Randy Weaver's wife in the 1992 Ruby Ridge standoff, and the 1993 Branch Davidian fire are cited by extremists of numerous ideologies as evidence of a government conspiracy (Dyer, 1997).2 Furthermore, for every camouflage-clothed militia member, there are several amateur attorneys studying old law books, the Constitution and each other's websites in an effort to unravel the meaning of the "true" Constitution (Abanes, 1996).The Posse Comitatus and Republic of Texas websites are useful artifacts because they are clear examples of the types of rhetoric addressed in this study. The present incarnation of the Posse Comitatus merges Posse Comitatus and Christian Identity rhetoric, allowing exploration of the common law rhetoric of both groups through one website. While claiming not to be a militia website, the Republic ofI Preparedness expos offer survivalist training and equipment, firearms, ammunition and common law materials (Tharp & Holstein).Extremists are particularly fascinated by the date April 19, a date on which events ranging from the Revolutionary War to the Branch Davidian fire took place (Stern). In some circles, this date is called Militia Day and has assumed almost religious significance.Texas maintains at least three separate militias and features extensive discussions of common law and sovereign citizen rhetoric.To understand these groups, it is necessary to understand the exigencies that brought them into existence. Bitzer's model of rhetorical situation, with its focus on exigencies, is an excellent tool for understanding the social and economic factors contributing to the growth of these types of groups. However, Bitzer offers only limited insight into how the messages are spread and why people accept them. Bormann's fantasy theme method of analysis helps answer the questions of how the sovereignty/common law message satisfies the rhetorical and psychological needs of the group members. / Department of Communication Studies

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 2001. / Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on Jan. 31, 2007). Vita. Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 74-85).