Master of Regional and Community Planning / Department of Landscape Architecture/Regional and Community Planning / John W. Keller / Rural communities are a vital part of America; they account for two-thirds of the land in the U.S. and are home to about one in every nine Americans. Throughout history, our country has been shaped by their presence and social, economic, and cultural influence (Flora et al., 2004). For over the past half century however, communities in rural America have been declining in size and population; in nearly 70% of the counties of the Great Plains, there are fewer people residing there today than there were in 1950. Furthermore, over the last half of the 20th century, residents living on farms in America have dropped by two-thirds (Mayer, 1993). These statistics indicate a drastic pattern of population loss among small town communities and farms throughout rural America, which is devastating because they [towns] ultimately depend on population to contribute to their industries, businesses, and local services in order to function and survive (Wood, 2008). Understanding the causes of rural decline is important in the field of planning; nevertheless, identifying statistical relationships and spatial patterns associated with rural decline is just as important. This research report is both an overview on rural decline, and a comparative analysis of rural decline amongst Kansas counties. The objective of this research report is to identify characteristics, patterns, and trends associated with rural decline, and to rank Kansas counties according to a list of variables which represent those characteristics for analytical purposes. The ultimate goal is to explain any spatial phenomenon associated with the variables and Kansas counties, as well as identify specific counties in Kansas most devastated by factors associated with rural decline. In order to determine which counties are most devastated by factors associated with rural decline, a numerical comprehensive comparative analysis will be conducted; the results of the analysis will serve as a side-by-side measure of rural decline among Kansas counties. It will also serve as the template for conducting the simulation and modeling research; ArcGIS 9.3.1 will be utilized in order display the characteristics, patterns, and trends of rural decline spatially among Kansas counties. The final maps will help serve to derive final conclusions on rural decline in Kansas.

This research analyzed declining resource-based communities in the Rainy River District, Ontario, that is typical of the Canadian middle north, and explored their central features using several qualitative and participatory techniques. This work disengages from traditional demographic-economic analysis of decline and offers an alternative multidimensional interpretation. The analysis centers on the role of networks, diverse forms of capitals and conflicts. Literature on regional development, New Regionalism, social networks, capital, conflict, and complex evolving social systems informed the conceptual framework to guiding this research. Among other findings this research demonstrated that: First, economic-demographic “size type” indicators are insufficient to explain the complex, multidimensional, network-based, conflictive and highly politicized nature of decline. Policies based on these type of indicators are misleading and can reinforce the path dependence process of single-industry rural communities. Second, networks, capital and conflicts can be significant in the process of decline. They can speed or slow the process of change. Potentially, they can be transformed and used when planning for decline so as to steer the process toward sustainable rural planning and development. Additional factors identified and proposed for this framework included: learning, interaction, cooperation, connectivity, and psychological and institutional factors restricting rural communities from reacting to decline, and escaping from path dependence. Third, decline should be recognized in order to start a process of planning for decline and rural development. Top-down planning and policy initiatives in the Rainy River District and across North Western Ontario have not recognized a general planning gap and have glossed over the need to approach decline, and rural development generally, using a local perspective and grassroots initiatives of people and communities. Basic elements to plan for decline in rural regions were described. Fourth, rural regions, ethnicity, and power, are insufficiently recognized by New Regionalism theory. Including these elements can benefit the theory and practice of rural planning and development. Analysis of networks and planning is a mutually reinforcing approach, useful for the study and planning of rural areas. Finally, rural decline studies in Canada should pay attention to factors of ethnicity. Significant structural violence against First Nations remains in rural regions.

This research analyzed declining resource-based communities in the Rainy River District, Ontario, that is typical of the Canadian middle north, and explored their central features using several qualitative and participatory techniques. This work disengages from traditional demographic-economic analysis of decline and offers an alternative multidimensional interpretation. The analysis centers on the role of networks, diverse forms of capitals and conflicts. Literature on regional development, New Regionalism, social networks, capital, conflict, and complex evolving social systems informed the conceptual framework to guiding this research. Among other findings this research demonstrated that: First, economic-demographic “size type” indicators are insufficient to explain the complex, multidimensional, network-based, conflictive and highly politicized nature of decline. Policies based on these type of indicators are misleading and can reinforce the path dependence process of single-industry rural communities. Second, networks, capital and conflicts can be significant in the process of decline. They can speed or slow the process of change. Potentially, they can be transformed and used when planning for decline so as to steer the process toward sustainable rural planning and development. Additional factors identified and proposed for this framework included: learning, interaction, cooperation, connectivity, and psychological and institutional factors restricting rural communities from reacting to decline, and escaping from path dependence. Third, decline should be recognized in order to start a process of planning for decline and rural development. Top-down planning and policy initiatives in the Rainy River District and across North Western Ontario have not recognized a general planning gap and have glossed over the need to approach decline, and rural development generally, using a local perspective and grassroots initiatives of people and communities. Basic elements to plan for decline in rural regions were described. Fourth, rural regions, ethnicity, and power, are insufficiently recognized by New Regionalism theory. Including these elements can benefit the theory and practice of rural planning and development. Analysis of networks and planning is a mutually reinforcing approach, useful for the study and planning of rural areas. Finally, rural decline studies in Canada should pay attention to factors of ethnicity. Significant structural violence against First Nations remains in rural regions.

Since the early 1990s, rural decline has led many communities to begin social and economic restructuring. Several locales are seeking alternative approaches to the primary sector to support their declining industrial base (Markey et al, 2008). The tourism industry is an alternative to traditional rural livelihoods. Rural amenities and scenic landscapes have encouraged stakeholders to develop heritage tourism. The commodification of heritage has a profound impact on the place identity of rural landscapes. This is illustrated in the Model of Creative Destruction. In an earlier paper, Mitchell (1998) described the process of creative destruction through 5 stages being early commodification, advanced commodification, early destruction, advanced destruction and post destruction. In later papers, Mitchell and Vanderwerf (2010) describe the model as one that predicts that rural landscapes may evolve through three identities; rural town-scape, heritage-scape (or heritage village) and leisure-scape. Communities will remain as heritage-scapes if the desire to preserve is a dominant motivation. In contrast, if stakeholders are motivated more by a desire to profit or promote economic growth, then investments in non-conforming venues may result. This ultimately will shift the identity from one of heritage-scape to leisure-scape of mass consumption. Such investments may jeopardize a tourist’s heritage-seeking experience, and their perception of the community as a heritage village. Gaming recently has been introduced as a form of rural economic development in communities that commodify heritage (i.e. heritage-scapes). The introduction of slot machine parlours at racetracks (racinos) has helped combat the decline in the horse racing industry (Thalheimer and Ali, 2008). Furthermore, the positive economic impacts of these facilities are numerous. Negative implications, however, also accompany this type of tourism development. To date, little research has been conducted on the impacts that racino gaming developments have on communities, and, more specifically, on heritage-scapes. This thesis seeks to address this deficiency in a case study of Elora, Ontario and the Grand River Raceway. The purpose of this study was i) to determine the impact of the Grand River Raceway on Elora’s identity as a heritage village; ii) to identify the positive and negative socio-economic benefits that the facility has on the community and iii) to provide recommendations to communities who are considering similar development. To meet these objectives, data were collected through business and tourist surveys, unstructured interviews and a content analysis of secondary sources. Results suggest that the Grand River Raceway has not compromised Elora’s identity as a heritage-scape, in the eyes of business owners and tourists. Although the presence of the Grand River Raceway suggests that Elora is at the stage of early destruction or is on the way to becoming a leisure-scape, its presence has not detracted from visitor experience, as predicted by the model. This situation is attributed to marketing, location and uniformity with the existing landscape. Furthermore, the Grand River Raceway has had both positive and negative socio-economic impacts on Elora. Some of the benefits include employment, tax revenues, sponsorships and financial contributions to the municipality. At the same time, however, the Grand River Raceway has created a divided community, generated several legal issues and resulted in an uneven distribution of economic benefits. It is recommended that public consultation and resident involvement in decision making will help to minimize these negative impacts.

Since the early 1990s, rural decline has led many communities to begin social and economic restructuring. Several locales are seeking alternative approaches to the primary sector to support their declining industrial base (Markey et al, 2008). The tourism industry is an alternative to traditional rural livelihoods. Rural amenities and scenic landscapes have encouraged stakeholders to develop heritage tourism. The commodification of heritage has a profound impact on the place identity of rural landscapes. This is illustrated in the Model of Creative Destruction. In an earlier paper, Mitchell (1998) described the process of creative destruction through 5 stages being early commodification, advanced commodification, early destruction, advanced destruction and post destruction. In later papers, Mitchell and Vanderwerf (2010) describe the model as one that predicts that rural landscapes may evolve through three identities; rural town-scape, heritage-scape (or heritage village) and leisure-scape. Communities will remain as heritage-scapes if the desire to preserve is a dominant motivation. In contrast, if stakeholders are motivated more by a desire to profit or promote economic growth, then investments in non-conforming venues may result. This ultimately will shift the identity from one of heritage-scape to leisure-scape of mass consumption. Such investments may jeopardize a tourist’s heritage-seeking experience, and their perception of the community as a heritage village. Gaming recently has been introduced as a form of rural economic development in communities that commodify heritage (i.e. heritage-scapes). The introduction of slot machine parlours at racetracks (racinos) has helped combat the decline in the horse racing industry (Thalheimer and Ali, 2008). Furthermore, the positive economic impacts of these facilities are numerous. Negative implications, however, also accompany this type of tourism development. To date, little research has been conducted on the impacts that racino gaming developments have on communities, and, more specifically, on heritage-scapes. This thesis seeks to address this deficiency in a case study of Elora, Ontario and the Grand River Raceway. The purpose of this study was i) to determine the impact of the Grand River Raceway on Elora’s identity as a heritage village; ii) to identify the positive and negative socio-economic benefits that the facility has on the community and iii) to provide recommendations to communities who are considering similar development. To meet these objectives, data were collected through business and tourist surveys, unstructured interviews and a content analysis of secondary sources. Results suggest that the Grand River Raceway has not compromised Elora’s identity as a heritage-scape, in the eyes of business owners and tourists. Although the presence of the Grand River Raceway suggests that Elora is at the stage of early destruction or is on the way to becoming a leisure-scape, its presence has not detracted from visitor experience, as predicted by the model. This situation is attributed to marketing, location and uniformity with the existing landscape. Furthermore, the Grand River Raceway has had both positive and negative socio-economic impacts on Elora. Some of the benefits include employment, tax revenues, sponsorships and financial contributions to the municipality. At the same time, however, the Grand River Raceway has created a divided community, generated several legal issues and resulted in an uneven distribution of economic benefits. It is recommended that public consultation and resident involvement in decision making will help to minimize these negative impacts.

Thesis (MA (Geography and Environmental Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / This study combines qualitative and quantitative techniques in an inquiry into the influence of rural tourism on the development and structure of Sutherland from 2001 till 2005. Sutherland, like most small rural towns in the Central and Western Karoo, is/was in the process of decline. Rural tourism is seen as a solution to curb the process of decline. The study investigates this assumption by analyzing the positive and negative impacts of tourism on the economic, social and environmental spheres of Sutherland and looks at concomitant structural changes. Special emphasis is placed on the changing nature of Sutherland’s reason for existence and the dualistic processes of degradation on the one side and tourism development on the other. These complex time-spatial and site-specific trends are analyzed and recommendations are made for the management of the tourism industry of Sutherland.