Subject Matter: The dissertation gives an account of the history of the National Committee for Liberation (NCL), an anti-apartheid sabotage organisation that existed between 1960 and 1964. The study is aimed both at narrating its growth and development in the context of South Africa in the 1950s and 1960s, and explaining its strategic and political choices. In particular, the reasons for its isolation from the broader muggle against Apartheid and its inability to transcend this isolation are investigated. Sources: Discussion of the context of the NCL's development depended on secondary historical works by scholars such as Tom Lodge, Paul Rich, C.J. Driver and Janet Robertson as well as archival sources. The analysis of liberal discourse in the 1950s and 1960s also drew heavily on primary sources such as the liberal journals Contact, Africa South and The New African. Secondary sources were also used for the discussion of the NCL's strategy in the context of the development of a theory of revolutionary guerrilla warfare after the Second World War: here the work of Robert Taber, John Bowyer Bell, Kenneth Grundy and Edward Feit was central. The history of the NCL itself was reconstructed from trial records, newspapers and personal interviews. Archival sources such as The Karis-Carter collection, the Hoover Institute microfilm collection of South African political documents, the Paton Papers, the Ernie Wentzel papers were also extensively used. Methodology: The discussion of the discourse of liberal NCL members depended on a post-structuralist theory of subjectivity. The conceptual underpinnings of the thesis were provided by on the work of Jacques Lacan, Louis Althusser, Michel Pecheux, Ernesto Laclau, Chantal Mouffe and Slavoj Zizek. Pechcux's elaboration of the Althusserian concept of interpellation formed the basis of a discourse analysis of NCL texts. In the interviews, some use was also made of techniques of ethnographic interviewing developed by qualitative sociologists such as James Spradley. Conclusions: The analysis focused on the way NCL discourse constructed NCL members as "ordinary persons", a subject-position which implied a radical opposition between political struggle and ideological commitment. The NCL's strategic difficulties were related to the contradictions this discourse, related to metropolitan political traditions that valorised civil society, manifested in the context of post-Sharpeville South Africa. These contradictions were explored in terms of the Lacanian notion of the "ideological fantasy". The dissertation thus closes with a consideration, both of the importance of the ideological traditions identified in the analysis of NCL discourse, and the methodological importance of non-reductive conceptualisations of political identity and ideology.

The Rivonia treason trial started on October 9, 1963, the same day that former Cape Town coloured singer Danny Williams made front page headlines by marrying a white girl in London. Those were the days when apartheid, not as “reformed” as it is today, was rigorously applied by the National Party government. Love, sex and marriage across the colour line were forbidden. Crooner Williams, 31, then riding the crest of the pop wave with his ballad “Moon River”, took his vows with Bobbi Carole, who married him against the wishes of her parents. Williams, fearing persecution, told an interviewer he would not be welcome in South Africa again. But most prominent by far on the front page that day was the Rivonia treason trial. A report from Pretoria — following the style of the times — said: “Eleven men — four whites, one Indian and six Natives — went on trial in the Supreme Court here today before Mr Justice Quartus de Wet (Judge President of the Transvaal) on charges of sabotage and of offences under the Suppression of Communism Act and of contravening the Criminal Law Amendment Act.” / Supplement to The Argus, Wednesday February 7 1990 / Exclusive Part 2

MA.CRM / Department of Criminal Justice / The policing response to increasing violent community violent protests in South Africa has received global attention in the last decade. The study was conducted with a backdrop of increased concern over skirmish and sporadic fighting and violence during service delivery protests. Criticisms have been voiced by various role-players in violent protests concerning arrests, injuries and killing of civilians by police during these demonstrations. Hence the study aims to evaluate the effectiveness of POP strategies in curbing common acts of violence during violent protests particularly in Vuwani area of Vhembe District, Limpopo Province. The study adopted a mixed methods (qualitative and quantitative method). Purposive sampling was used to select POP officials wherein Focus Group Discussions (FGD) were conducted in 9 difference POP units, each FGD was comprised of approximately 5 members which total to 45 POP members. A total of 200 questionnaires were randomly distributed to community members of Vuwani within 5 were found invalid. Quantitative Data was analysed using Statistical Package for Social Science (SPSS) and qualitative data was analysed using thematic analysis. The findings indicated that (86,2%) of participants believed that Vuwani protest was caused by municipal demarcation issues. The favourite methods of protests include littering with (80,0 %) and burning tyres with (76,4%) of participants. A total of (52,8%) community members argued that police presence perpetuate violence during service delivery protest. Common crimes that occurred during the protests was vandalism with (82,6%) and arson with (81,0%). Furthermore, (83,6%) community members agrees that rubber bullets was used as a strategy by the police at Vuwani protests. The overwhelming majority of participants with 80,0% believe that negotiation during protests can curb death and injuries. On the other hand, the study finds that POP official strategies start by negotiating with the protestors, identifying the leader, use of water cannon, tear gas and rubber bullets as the last resort. Further emphasized that lack of manpower and resources are barriers that hinders effective policing of violent service delivery protests. It is therefore recommended that provision of resource and recruitment of manpower should be taken as a first priority by the SAPS national office. Lastly, the public should be educated about police presence during violent service delivery protests. / NRF