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The dynamics of the Arab unity movement, 1945/1963 /Sharara-Hobbs, Norma E. January 1977 (has links)
No description available.
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Extraterritoriality of export controlsRizor, Stefan January 1989 (has links)
This thesis provides an overview of the complex problems related to the extraterritoriality of export controls. / In the last decades when trade became increasingly international, the tendency of governments to use trade embargoes as a political tool grew considerably. Since the effect of trade controls largely depends on the importance of the affected trade, the regulating State commonly interprets its jurisdiction in broad terms. Thus, the number of conflicts between countries concerning the extent of their jurisdiction increased. This thesis focuses on some pivotal cases and analyzes the different principles suggested to solve the problems. / Based on a territorial concept of sovereignty, it finally suggests a doctrine of evasion. The fundamental idea of the doctrine has already been applied in the tax laws of several countries. It is designed to close legislative loopholes. / It is believed that this doctrine, if applied, would strike an acceptable compromise between the interests of the parties concerned: the regulating State could evaluate the risks and costs involved in sanctioning other countries; the business community would be granted a higher degree of certainty in assessing the political risks involved in a commercial engagement with foreign partners and, finally, the sovereignty of foreign States would remain unimpeded.
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Le Canada devrait-il adherer a la convention de la haye du 1er juillet 1985 relative a la loi applicable au trust et a sa reconnaissance? : étude comparative de droit international privé sur le trust et la fiducie au CanadaSabourin, Frédérique January 1988 (has links)
No description available.
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Tackling the anarchy within: the role of deterrence and great power intervention in peace operationsMartin-Brûlé, Sarah-Myriam January 2011 (has links)
My dissertation strives to understand the conditions under which peaceoperations in intra-state wars succeed or fail. I address two main questions: Whatis peace operation success, and what contributes to such an outcome? I define thesuccess of a peace operation based on two dimensions: a) the accomplishment ofthe peace operation's mandate, and b) the establishment of order. This definitionallows me to avoid a binary framework of assessment in terms of success vs.failure by introducing intermediate categories: partial failure and partial success.To explain peace operations' outcomes, I look at the role of the type of strategyadopted and the type of intervener. I suggest that the three major ingredients ofany strategy are: communication, capacity and knowledge. These ingredients allinteract differently depending on which strategy is adopted. I apply my theoreticalframework to empirical cases, testing the saliency of my postulates by examining11 peace operations in three countries: Somalia (1991-1995), Sierra Leone (1999-2005) and Liberia (1990-2009). I assess these operations' outcomes and theprocesses by which they succeeded/failed at accomplishing their mandate whilesimultaneously contributing/hindering their chances at re-establishing order. Iargue that, for a peace operation in an intra-state war, the adoption of a deterrencestrategy works best for re-establishing order while the involvement of a greatpower facilitates the accomplishment of the mandate. / Cette thèse porte sur les conditions et les facteurs de succès des opérationsde la paix dans les guerres civiles au sein d'États déstructurés. Nous cherchons àrépondre à deux principales questions: qu'est-ce que le succès dans le cadre d'uneopération de la paix, et qu'est-ce qui contribue à ce succès? Nous identifionsd'abord deux axes principaux du succès des opérations de la paix: a)l'accomplissement du mandat et b) le rétablissement de l'ordre. Nous proposonsainsi un modèle de classification qui nuance la simple opposition succès/échec parl'ajout de catégories intermédiaires (succès partiel et échec partiel). Nouscherchons ensuite à mettre en valeur l'influence respective du type de stratégieutilisée (dissuasion, coercition et auto-défense) et du type d'intervenant(présence/absence d'une grande puissance, organisation régionale/internationale)sur le succès d'une opération de la paix. Nous nous intéressons aux troisprincipaux ingrédients de toute stratégie, soit la communication, la force de frappeet la connaissance des milieux humain et géophysique. Ces ingrédientsinteragissent différemment selon la stratégie adoptée. Nous appliquons notrecadre théorique et nous testons la pertinence de nos hypothèses en examinant 11opérations de la paix qui ont eu lieu dans trois pays, en Somalie (1991-1995), auSierra Leone (1999-2005) et au Liberia (1990-2009). Nous évaluons le type desuccès/échec ainsi que le processus par lequel ces opérations réussissent/échouentà accomplir leur mandat tout en contribuant/nuisant à leur chance de rétablirl'ordre. Nous soutenons que lors d'une opération de la paix au sein d'un Étatdéstructuré, la dissuasion est la stratégie la plus apte à rétablir l'ordre alors quel'intervention d'une grande puissance facilite l'accomplissement du mandat.
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Aiding and abetting: foreign aid and state coercionTrisko, Jessica Nicole January 2013 (has links)
This study examines the effects of US bilateral foreign aid policy on the internal security dynamics of aid recipient states. I draw upon the international security and contentious politics literatures to develop a theory of the coercive effect of foreign aid. I analyze how US foreign assistance affects the state capacity of recipient countries and, as a consequence, the government's ability to employ violence as a tool for ensuring its continued tenure. I argue that as a consequence of fungibility—the ability to use foreign aid as a general government resource—foreign aid may increase the likelihood of state coercion by funding increases in the state's coercive capacity, including changes in military expenditure, force structure and arms acquisitions. I test this argument through a statistical analysis of a cross-sectional time-series dataset of annual US bilateral foreign aid for 132 developing countries during the period of 1976 to 2005. This analysis is complemented by an in-depth case study of Indonesia and shorter analyses of El Salvador and South Korea. I find that the coercive effect of foreign aid is conditioned by the recipient country's political institutions and conflict history. This research links the study of political violence with the changing nature of international relations and provides considerable insight into international influences on intrastate conflict. The research further suggests that foreign aid undermines aid donor goals by creating conditions propitious to increased political violence in recipient countries. / Cette étude analyse les impacts de la politique d'aide étrangère des États-Unis sur la sécurité interne des États bénéficiaires. La documentation sur la sécurité internationale et les politiques conflictuelles m'a servi à développer une théorie sur l'effet coercitif de l'aide internationale. J'analyserai la manière dont l'aide étrangère des États-Unis affecte la capacité de gouverner des États bénéficiaires. J'analyserai particulièrement la capacité du gouvernement de l'État bénéficiaire d'employer la violence pour assurer la poursuite de son mandat. J'argumenterai qu'une des conséquences de la fongibilité – la capacité d'utiliser l'aide internationale comme une ressource gouvernementale – serait la possibilité d'augmentation de coercibilité de l'État en augmentant les dépenses dans les capacités coercitives de l'État, incluant les dépenses militaires, les forces de l'ordre et l'acquisition d'armes. Cet argumentaire sera démontré avec une analyse statistique d'un ensemble de données de l'aide bilatérale des États-Unis pour 132 pays en développement entre 1976 à 2005. Cette analyse est additionnée d'un regard en profondeur sur une étude de cas en l'Indonésie et d'analyses plus courtes de l'El Salvador et la Corée du Sud. Je démontre que l'effet coercitif de l'aide étrangère est conditionné par les institutions politiques et l'histoire militaire du pays bénéficiaire. Cette recherche fait un lien entre l'étude de la violence politique et la nature changeante des relations internationales, et expose un aperçu fascinant des influences internationales et des conflits interétatiques. La recherche suggère aussi que l'aide internationale va à l'encontre des buts du donateur de subvention en créant des conditions propices à l'augmentation de la violence politique dans les pays bénéficiaires.
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Insuring the future: the reputational imperative and territorial disputes in South Asia, 1947-1965Shankar, Mahesh January 2013 (has links)
State policies of pursuing compromise or conflict, and the extent of each, have been subject to wide variation in territorial disputes in South Asia, both across cases and within disputes over time. Existing works on the subject, however, which focus on the salience - strategic, economic, or symbolic – of the disputed territory, often prove inadequate in accounting for such variations. They fail moreover to explain some puzzling state behaviour – why, for instance, states choose to sometimes make large concessions on territories of great value, and adopt intransigent attitudes towards territories of little salience; or why stronger states sometimes make concessions larger than they need to, and weaker states bargain harder than their capabilities would justify. This dissertation argues that decisions by state leaders to pursue compromise or conflict on their territorial claims are influenced to a significant extent by a concern for the expected reputational implications of their actions. The theoretical framework offered suggests why we should expect reputational concerns to be independently important in the calculus of state leaders, and how they manifest themselves in decision making. In particular, it makes a novel case that states care not only for reputations for resolve, but also for that of reasonableness, and how contextual factors – bargaining strength and adversary tactics in particular – influence the assessments of what kind of reputation policy decisions are likely to engender. The study demonstrates the utility of the argument in explaining the policy variations and puzzles that characterized territorial disputes in the South Asian neighbourhood during the period from 1947-1965. Through in depth historical research of policy making in not only the more prominent disputes in the region, the Kashmir and Sino-Indian ones, but also territorial disagreements involving the smaller states such as Nepal, Bhutan, and Burma, this dissertation illustrates how reputational concerns often drive state behaviour. / Les politiques de l'État poursuivant les compromis ou conflits, et l'étendue de chacune de ces politiques, varient de façon importante en territoires en disputes en Asie du Sud pour cas variés et parmi disputes au fil du temps. Cependant, les travaux existants sur le sujet qui mettent l'accent sur la prédominance - stratégique, économique ou symbolique – du territoire en dispute, s'avèrent souvent inadéquats pour expliquer ces variations. De plus, ils n'arrivent pas à expliquer certains comportements curieux de l'État – pourquoi, par exemple,les États choisissent-ils parfois de faire de grandes concessions de territoires de grande valeur, et d'adopter des attitudes inflexibles par rapport aux territoires de petite importance, ou pourquoi les États plus puissants font parfois de plus grandes concessions, et les États moins puissants négocient plus sévèrement sans avoir les capacités apparentes pour justifier la sévérité. Cette thèse soutient que les décisions prises par les dirigeants d'États, par rapport aux compromis ou aux conflits portant sur disputes territoriales, sont influencées de façon importante par un souci des implications à leurs réputations suite à leurs actions. La théorie proposée suggère pourquoi nous devrions nous attendre à des préoccupations étant indépendamment importantes et impliquant la réputation parmi le raisonnement des chefs d'état, et comment celles-ci se manifestent dans la prise de décisions. Cela crée particulièrement un nouveau cas démontrant que les États ne sont pas uniquement préoccupés par leur réputation vis-à-vis les solutions, mais aussi à l'aspect raisonnable, et comment certains facteurs contextuels, tels que le pouvoir de négociation et tactiques d'adversaires, influenceront les genres de décisions politiques impliquant la réputation susceptibles à être prises. L'étude démontre l'utilité de l'argument en expliquant les variations en politiques et aspects inexplicables qui ont caractérisés les disputes territoriales en Asie du Sud entre 1947 et 1965. À travers une recherche historique approfondie sur l'élaboration de politiques non seulement parmi les disputes les plus importantes, notamment celles de Kashmir et des sinoindiens, mais aussi autres disputes territoriales impliquant de plus petits États tels que le Népal, le Bhoutan et la Birmanie, cette thèse démontre comment la préoccupation de réputation influence souvent le comportement des États.
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Bargaining practice and negotiation failure in Russia-Ukraine gas relationsTingle, David January 2013 (has links)
What causes 'gas wars' between Russia and Ukraine? Answering this question, this paper argues, requires that we synthesize two prominent theories of international relations (IR), the bargaining model of war and practice theory. It applies these theoretical frameworks to the 2008-2009 Russia-Ukraine gas crisis using qualitative case study methods. Bilateral gas relations can be usefully modeled as crisis bargaining interactions — up to a point. Both Russia and Ukraine deploy crisis bargaining practices to secure natural gas supply and pricing contracts with each other. These practices are not, however, primarily aimed at revealing credible signals of resolve, as standard bargaining models would suggest. Rather, Russia and Ukraine use them to maintain political control over the negotiation process and flexibility over a range of potential outcomes. This tacit understanding poses difficulties when preferences shift such that signaling resolve becomes more important than maintaining political control and flexibility. In these situations, such as late fall 2008, both parties continue to deploy crisis bargaining practices that 'make sense' as ways to engage in negotiation but no longer fit their strategic goals for the process. The taken-for-granted means of practicing gas politics don't fit with the strategic ends sought; the result is a costly gas war despite strong incentives on both sides of the table to locate a compromise short of conflict. / Quelles sont les causes des conflits gaziers russo-ukrainiens? Cet article soutient que, pour répondre à cette question, il faut synthétiser deux grandes théories des relations internationales (RI) : le modèle de négociation de guerre et la théorie de l'action. L'article applique ces cadres théoriques à la crise du gaz de 2008-2009 entre l'Ukraine et la Russie, en se basant sur des études de cas qualitatives. Les relations gazières bilatérales peuvent être modélisées comme des interactions de négociation de crise - jusqu'à un certain point. La Russie et l'Ukraine ont tous deux recours à des pratiques de négociation de crise pour assurer leur approvisionnement en gaz naturel et pour obtenir des contrats l'un avec l'autre. Cependant, ces pratiques n'ont pas comme objectif principal la révélation de signaux crédibles de détermination, comme laisseraient à croire les modèles de négociation habituels. Au contraire, la Russie et l'Ukraine utilisent ces pratiques pour maintenir un contrôle politique sur le processus de négociation et pour préserver leur flexibilité par rapport à une gamme de résultats possibles. Cette entente tacite pose des difficultés lorsque les préférences changent et que la signalisation de la détermination devient plus importante que le maintien du contrôle politique et de la flexibilité. Dans de telles situations, comme le démontrent les événements de l'automne 2008, les deux parties continuent à utiliser des pratiques de négociation de crise qui seraient rationnelles si l'objectif principal était la négociation, mais qui ne correspondent plus à leurs objectifs stratégiques pour le processus. Les moyens habituels de faire de la politique gazière ne correspondent plus aux buts stratégiques visés. Le résultat est un conflit gazier coûteux, malgré les incitations fortes qui existent des deux côtés de la table à trouver une solution autre que le conflit.
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Al-Qaeda and the American counterterrorism community: shifting practices, 1991-2013DePoyster, Jonathan January 2013 (has links)
This thesis examines variation in the practices of al-Qaeda and the American counterterrorism community. It posits that the interaction of two permissive factors, background knowledge and relational structure, goes a long way in explaining shifts in the practices of both communities. Through a case study of the interaction of the two communities between 1991 and 2013, it analyzes changes in these two variables to explain shifts in practice during that time period. The thesis demonstrates that through a process of mutual reaction, changes in al-Qaeda practices modify background knowledge and relational structure in the American counterterrorism community, and vice versa, encouraging the adoption of new practices by both actors. / Ce mémoire examine les variations dans les pratiques d'al-Qaida et de la communauté américaine du contre-terrorisme. Il avance que l'interaction de deux facteurs permissifs, la connaissance pratique et la structure relationnelle, contribue considérablement à expliquer des changements dans les pratiques des deux groupes. Grâce à une étude de cas de l'interaction des deux communautés entre 1991 et 2013, il analyse des changements dans ces deux variables pour expliquer des changements dans les pratiques à travers cette période. Le mémoire montre que par un processus de réaction mutuelle, des changements dans les pratiques d'al-Qaida modifient la connaissance pratique et la structure relationnelle dans la communauté américaine du contre-terrorisme, et vice versa, encourageant l'adoption de nouvelles pratiques par les deux acteurs.
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The broader-deeper trade off and regional trade agreementsAnac, Sezi January 2007 (has links)
This dissertation examines the empirical underpinnings of the broader-deeper trade off. Policy makers often worry that the enlargement of regional trade agreements comes at the expense of further deepening (integration). Enlargement will lead to more preference heterogeneity and more economic divergence among members of the RTA, which will in turn stifle decision making. Yet, our empirical understanding of whether there is such a trade off is very limited. In this dissertation, I conduct a systematic analysis of whether the trade off exists and other related questions using a dataset on regional trade agreements from the post-1950 era. The main finding of the dissertation is that enlargement does not lead to a decline in the probability of deepening in RTAs when one takes into account the different issue areas of cooperation within RTAs. Therefore, the dissertation shows that policy makers' claims about the negative effects of enlargement are overly pessimistic. On the other hand, there is some evidence that such negative effects are contextual. They arise in individual issue areas such as in trade cooperation. In other words, enlargement does lead a slow down in deepening in this area.
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A comparative study on the role of religious interest groups in the formulation of educational policies in the Philippines and Malaysiade la Cruz, Rica Melanie Perez January 1989 (has links)
Religious interest groups play a significant role in the formulation and/or implementation of educational policies in the Philippines and Malaysia. In the Philippines, the groups are very active in developing ways to affect the kinds of policies being passed in government as they pertain to the educational process. The groups use a variety of mechanisms to influence government, including the publication of newspapers, pamphlets, books, monographs, etc. which clearly state their views on certain issues; extensive lobbying efforts at city hall and governmental agencies or offices; establishment of alliances with other groups of similar and sometimes even dissimilar religious persuasions; and frequent interaction with the members of the academic community. These are intended to make them more aware of the educational issues that they have to be concerned with, as well as their repercussions. The groups' active participation in government may be attributed to a variety of factors, including the separation of church and state as provided for in the constitution, the variety of religious denominations in the country, the importance of religion to the lives of the people and the absence of any restriction on the efforts of the groups to influence policies.
In Malaysia, the groups are more concerned with policies after they have been implemented and react accordingly, with the intention of making government aware of their perception of the policies at hand. Like the groups in the Philippines, they utilize a variety of tools to achieve their stated objectives, as the formation of alliances, publication of journals, public rallies, among others. They have also developed ingenious ways to encourage their members to be more discerning with regard to governmental action. Thus, they form small discussion groups, which allow them to understand the necessity of Islamic education; hold prayer meetings; and even form Islamic communities where they live according to the tenets of their faith. These activities may be results of the process of Islamization going on in Malaysia, the restrictions imposed on any form of non-Muslim activity, the close relationship between ethnicity and religion and the political supremacy of the Malays in the country.
These findings though preliminary, may lead to increased interest on the role of interest groups in the political process in Southeast Asia and the need to further investigate the increasing influence of religion in the various aspects of life in the countries in the region.
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