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Peacekeeping has come to be recognised as an essential multilateral activity by which to maintain world peace. Canada, a leading nation in peacekeeping, established an enviable record during the Cold War participating on virtually every mission deployed by the UN. There is, however, a belief today that peacekeeping efforts in the post-Cold War era have failed. In turn, the Canadian government has been criticised for its continued willingness to participate in UN led operations as it seems to be occurring without a policy framework. As opposed to the Cold War where policy rationales could be made for Canadian peacekeeping efforts, modern efforts appear unproductive, dangerous, and contradicted by Canada's fiscal military expenditures. This thesis explores this shift by examining the history of the Military Staff Committee, the differences between an interstate and intrastate conflict, force composition and finally Canada's policy and approaches towards peacekeeping. Collectively, they demonstrate that the UN and Canada have not failed in the post-Cold War era; rather, the approaches that made peacekeeping successful for forty years have hindered it for the last ten.

Dans l'optique d'une mutation des relations internationales, cette thèse prétend qu'une refonte des catégories normatives traditionnelles en éthique internationale s'avère nécéssaire. Pour mieux appréhender les divers changements en relations internationales, l'auteur développe le cadre d'analyse de la justice pénale internationale. L'évolution qui a mené à la Cour pénale internationale permet de dégager trois principaux thèmes---le sujet moral en relations internationales, puis les concepts de la communauté et de la souveraineté---qui permettent à l'auteur de relever certaines forces et faiblesses des théories cosmopolites, communautaristes et postmodernes. Par le biais du cadre d'analyse, l'auteur démontre que la théorie postmoderne permet d'envisager un rapprochement entre communautaristes et cosmopolites. Deux principaux arguments sont présentés: que l'individu entretenant des relations significatives avec autrui est devenu le sujet moral en éthique internationale, et que la justice pénale internationale permet d'envisager une communauté éthique globale inspirée de l'idée postmoderne de la responsabilité vers l'Autre.

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This dissertation seeks to provide an empirical evaluation of whether scholars are justified in calling for the end of the transition paradigm, the dominant model of democratization study among Comparative Politics scholars. My thesis argues that the predominant emphasis on elections and institutions among transition theorists is largely ineffective in understanding democratic transitions in the former Soviet Union. To test my thesis, I conduct qualitative case studies of Ukraine and Russia that focus on the role of elections and institutions in the transition process. Under the transitions model, one would reasonably expect the transition process in each country to be relatively similar, given the similar timing and manner in which elections and institutions were implemented, coupled with strong geographic, cultural, and historic commonalities. Instead, both cases have experienced highly divergent paths of development with varied levels of success. This comprehensive study sheds serious doubt on the ability of the transitions model to accurately comprehend the dynamics of democratic development in the former Soviet Union. Though many scholars have criticized certain assumptions or components of the transitions model, few if any, have constructed a comprehensive, empirical analysis of the transitions model on its own terms.