This work examines U.S. recognition policy toward governments obtaining power through extra-legal means (coup d'etat or revolution). The purpose of the research is to evaluate the effectiveness of withholding diplomatic recognition as an instrument of U.S. foreign policy. Through empirical analysis of U.S. recognition policy toward Latin American states (1913-1994), the research determines if the withholding of diplomatic recognition enabled the United States to influence the behavior and policies of target governments, under what conditions the strategy is successful, and what conditions influence the U.S. to withhold recognition. Withholding recognition is treated as a bargaining strategy intended to elicit a desired response from the target state in exchange for diplomatic recognition by the United States. An analytical framework derived from the coercive diplomacy model, developed by Alexander George, is used to evaluate policy effectiveness. The intent is not only to determine if the U.S. recognition strategy succeeded or failed but also to identify conditions conducive to successful use of the policy in order to guide contemporary foreign policy choices.

The years 1978 and 1979 were critical in shaping mainland China's foreign policy towards Cambodia during the 1980s up until the international peace treaty of 1991. For China, this involved utilizing Cambodian forces to halt the spread of Vietnamese hegemony in Southeast Asia while countering an increased Soviet presence on its southern periphery. Unfortunately, China's policy of supporting both Prince Sihanouk politically and the Khmer Rouge militarily was instrumental in reestablishing the Khmer Rouge as the most powerful faction in Cambodia's uncertain future. Therefore, the Khmer Rouge became something of a Chinese enigma, nurtured by Beijing to fight the Vietnamese but completely free from PRC control or responsibility.

Friendly relations between Britain and France are, historically speaking, an innovation of the twentieth century. Even if we ignore the Hundred Years War and Joan of Arc, the modern history of Anglo-French relations in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries is of a struggle for power which culminated in the Napoleonic Wars, and a bitter colonial rivalry climaxed at Fashoda. The alliance of 1914 failed to reconcile deep diplomatie differences: the French felt the British betrayed them at Versailles and deeply resented Britain's negative attitude towards the French invasion of the Ruhr, and the Anglo-German Naval Agreement of 1935 which, they felt, facilitated Germany's remilitarization. Britain's appeasement policy at Munich was criticized by some Frenchmen while others blamed the British for forcing France into World War II. Thus it can be seen that Anglo-French friendship was a fragile thing indeed and ill-prepared to withstand the pressures of Arras, Dunkirk, Mers-el-Kebir and Montoire. [...]

<p>The Central American population consists of a majority of indigenous people and the parties to the Central American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA-DR) must strive to protect the culture, heritage and rights of the region&rsquo;s people. Trade agreements must recognize the rights of the indigenous peoples that are affected by environmental degradation resulting from trade activities, which can result in the forceful removal of their lands. The balance between the three pillars of sustainable development must be struck because international trade is necessary by fueling much of the economic growth in the developed world. Public engagement of the indigenous people through participation, information, consultation and consent are necessary to fulfill the goals of sustainable development and protect their right to property and traditional lands. We have to continue to incorporate the objectives of sustainable development in free trade agreements in order to preserve the global environment for future generations. </p>

<p> This dissertation chronicles the role of airpower as a focal point in the evolution of the hawk vs. dove dynamic in American politics. It accounts for the relationship between changes in the viability of aerial weapons technologies and the general commitment of elected officials to expand or restrict the standing and use of hard power as a foreign policy tool. By comparing and contrasting the aftermath of two main paradigms of conflict -- the post-Vietnam era and the post-9/11 era -- it shows how disagreement over the size, scope, and role of the nation&rsquo;s armed forces has changed amid the introduction of airpower technologies that have in many cases been developed to mitigate the increasing level of conflict asymmetry witnessed by the transition from one strategic threat environment to the next. Accordingly, the analysis follows a basic chronology of comparative case study: first it examines the waning years of the Vietnam War through to the years following its conclusion, establishing a baseline for the character of the hawk/ dove dynamic amid a mindset of mostly conventional conflict before proceeding to the post-9/11 era, evaluating how trends in the hawk/ dove debate have shifted in an age of extreme asymmetry and non-linear battlefields. The lion&rsquo;s share of the research analyzes legislative voting data on the U.S. Congress from 1964-2012 to visually chart how the hawk/ dove dynamic has fluctuated over time in terms of its intensity, primary focal point(s), and the balance of the dynamic. Seven litmus tests are identified as individual moving parts: 1) airpower policy, 2) defense spending in general, 3) (de)escalation of conflict, 4) foreign military aid, 5) WMD policy, 6) war powers/ inter-branch relations, and 7) NASA support as part of air and space power. Providing a quantitative basis for analysis, the findings are revealed along with contextual points of interest found in the public communication of key intellectual leaders (including those in the executive branch). Taken together, the research offers a comprehensive view into the evolving debate over peace and war in an age of rapidly-advancing airpower systems used in increasingly asymmetrical conflict. </p>

This dissertation explores the ways contemporary environmental politics in India combine older Leftist agendas with important new critiques of the role of science and technology in societal development. The primary case study is Bhopal, where micro-level issues of health care, vocational rehabilitation and housing are addressed alongside macro-level issues of international law, technology transfer and trade liberalization. The Bhopal material is situated within broader patterns of opposition through comparison with the resistance strategies of other victimized areas. Theoretically, this dissertation is an analysis of the rhetorical strategies used by Indian environmental activists in their attempts to respond to and shape contemporary politics. Each section is both an example of a specific rhetorical strategy and an analysis of the kind of information which can be carried through the specified writing form. Threaded throughout the dissertation is an accounting of how questions about writing occur not only when confronted with the task of scholarly representation but also throughout the work of political activism, particularly when it is working within an emerging discourse such as that of environmentalism. Also emphasized is the connection between rhetorics, the contexts in which they are produced and their effects on social change.

This thesis deals with the legal problems arising from the introduction of satellite based communication, navigation and surveillance systems for civil aviation. The technical innovations are asking for an international institutional implementation, which has not yet started. / After a brief look at the technical aspects of the new systems (Chapter II), existing institutional arrangements of international satellite systems, air-navigation infrastructure and air traffic control are outlined (Chapter III). A legal analysis presents the obstacles and alternatives future institutional arrangements will be confronted with, and leads to a definition of the institutional problem (Chapter IV). / The core of the thesis is a proposal for regional intergovernmental organizations, which coordinate the operation of aeronautical satellite communications and air traffic control as an intermediary between the States and service providers (Chapter V). Among other problems financing, user charges, and liability are discussed. Legal problems of navigation systems are discussed on the base of the emerging global systems (Chapter VI).

The April 1994 elections in South Africa, which witnessed the ANC gain a determinant majority in national government, shifted the struggle in that country from national liberation and enfranchisement to economic empowerment for the black majority. The South African Government, facing millions of restitution of land claims and a national demand for effective access to land and adequate housing, has had to elaborate concrete legal implementation mechanisms to deliver land and housing for the majority of the population. Constitutionalism, through the entrenchment of land rights in a bill of rights, and the creation of a national socio-economic program to meet the basic needs of landless and homeless South Africans (Reconstruction and Development Program or RDP), have been the methods favored by the Government of National Unity (GNU) to address land and housing issues in the new South Africa. Strong pressure has been put on Mandela's Government to bring about fundamental economic and social transformation. The GNU presently has the responsibility to ensure a speedy advance with its programs of housing and land redistribution and restitution. The international instruments on economic and social rights have inspired Chapter 3 of the Interim Constitution, which contains a Bill of Rights, as well as the drafting of the Reconstruction and Development Program. Although these two national legal documents guarantee substantial economic and social rights, the difficulty that lies ahead is the establishment of a process to implement these entitlements. The socio-economic transformation that will take place in South Africa in the coming years will serve as a test-case and will hopefully encourage legal scholars and practitioners to become more sensitive to the importance of designing delivery mechanisms for these rights. With the high level of expectations and violence experienced in South Africa's rural and urban areas, a great deal is at stake in relation to land reform and t

Four fundamental principles constitute the basis of international regulations pertaining to the operational aspects of telecommunications, and communications satellites in particular. Firstly, provision of global distress and safety service should be provided globally on a priority basis. Secondly, global telecommunications coverage and connectivity should be achieved. Thirdly, basic telecommunications services should be established within every national jurisdiction, including developing areas, and should be accessible to all individuals. Finally, universal access to telecommunications services on a non-discriminatory basis should be guaranteed. / At the outset, governments have not only chosen to foster and closely regulate the development and operations of communications satellites, but also to maintain management oversight by cooperatively establishing two unique consortia, namely Intelsat and Inmarsat. This international regulatory framework, which currently continues to oversee the operational aspects of global satellite services, is essentially comprised of the Intelsat and Inmarsat Agreements adhered to by numerous member states. This framework was established a few decades ago at the inception of commercial fixed and mobile satellite services, and has not been structurally reviewed despite the changing global environment. / Considering that the prime objective of international agreements is to ensure that the world community adheres to the principles outlined above, this thesis examines the relevance of the current regulatory framework at the dawn of the information age. A growing number of governments may be rewriting their own role in the operational aspects of communication satellites for the future, as they review this framework to address the challenges of the emerging environment nearly three decades after the launching of the first commercial satellite, Early Bird. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

This thesis examines problems related to particular labor laws currently applied in international air transport. This analysis is framed within the context of scholarly theory and judicial practice arising from various regimes of labor law governing industrial injury, the individual contract of employment, labor-management relations, and fair treatment in the civil aviation industry. / A critical survey of labor regulations operating in the international air transport industry is provided through commentary on the principles formulated by judicial decisions and the theories which underlie their reasoning, helping to clarify both substantive and procedural labor laws affecting international air transport. / A critical analysis of different categories of statutory labor law governing international air transport is also provided to assess the validity of commonly-erected conflict of labor law rules, thereby revealing the inadequacy of the single rule principle in view of the unique and perplexing regulatory interests which are inherent in aviation activity. The divergence between domestic labor statutes and Treaties of Friendship, Commerce and Navigation or bilateral air transport agreements also adds a more subtle aspect to the problems explored.