Denna uppsats undersöker hur projektet om utbyggnad av stambanor för höghastighetståg har sett ut i relation till paradoxen för megaprojekt och hur detta kan förstås genom maktteorin. Studien grundar sig på en intervju- och dokumentstudie. Baserat på en operationaliserad teoretisk referensram om den konventionella planeringsmodellen, som ger uttryck för paradoxen, tematiserades det empiriska materialet. Studien lyfter bland annat brister i dokumentation, kostnadsestimering och tidig överåtagning i resurser och politisk prestige. Studien redogör för att den konventionella planeringsmodellen i vissa avseende stämmer överens med planeringen och genomförandet av projektet. Vidare understryker studien att paradoxen för megaprojekt även kan tolkas genom maktteorin och att teorin fångade den centralt förstådda betydelsen av makt i relation till det givna syftet. Studien visar på att processen är komplext och att de olika aktörerna alla besitter maktpositioner i systemet.

AI is creating a global societal paradigm shift since it is a general purpose technology with seemingly unstoppable potential. Although large economic and societal advantages seem apparent, the technology is also recognised to pose an existential threat to humanity. Experts and politicians highlight these risks, however there is a lack of international regulation on the matter. Using international relations theory and previous research on AI governance, reasons for the absence of regulation is procured through analysis of states sentiments in the UN. Applying quantitative text analysis in combination with simple and multivariate regression, a correlative statistical pattern was researched. Sentiment analysis of states in the CCW and the UN General Assembly was therefore used as empirical data to analyse the presence of a correlative pattern. Results from the statistical analysis indicate that a country with a higher vested interest in AI also tends to express a more positive sentiment about AI. Viewing nations as moving towards multipolar power dynamics (from a unipolar one) is theorised to explain the shift in sentiments over time. This research paper’s main contribution to the research of political science is the descriptive statistical analysis of the CCW debates and the General Assembly discussion on AI. Research contributions are also made with regards to international relations theory about the transition from a unipolar US hegemony towards a multipolar one, i.e. between Russia, China and the US.

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The purpose of this study is to examine the discussion about public access to information inrelation to independent schools within the newspapers Dagens Nyheter, Aftonbladet andSvenska Dagbladet. To enable this purpose, a qualitative and quantitative content analysis of gathered articles ranging from 2016 up until 2021 was done. In order to examine the empirical data gained from the articles, the study based its theoretical framework upon multiple approaches. These are as follows; one of the most prominent media theories; agenda setting theory which was complimented by framing theory, and Lennart Lundquist’s (1998) idea of a democratic values and economic values in the public sector from his book Guardians of Democracy. Through the material that has been analysed, the study can conclude that the debate about the principle of public access to information increases around the year 2020 and that the years before, the debate about independent schools was centered on other topics. The study also concludes that there is an overall balance between the arguments for economic and democratic values but the importance of the principle of public access to information about schools is emphasised in most of the articles.

This study explores the use and apparent meaning of the concept of “Swedishness” in political discourse as presented by two of the largest political parties in Sweden within their political material produced for the 2022 election. The paper employs qualitative content analysis as well as analytic tools from critical discourse analysis. Results of the study indicate that national identity as a socially constructed concept holds little relevance to these political parties, and real identification of the attributes which constitute the national identity of Swedes are few. Instead the concept is used as a political tool by both parties to gain support, and gains form and attributes based on how the tool is to be wielded by either party.

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The climate initiative Fossilfritt Sverige, largely comprised of companies, has been advanced as an integral part for the national climate ambition of Sweden becoming a fossil free welfare state by 2045. This paper seeks to explore and provide insights about the relationship between company characteristics, and motives for, voluntary engagement in the initiative. The study uses a mixed method approach to test hypotheses and expectations regarding such relationships. In doing so an original dataset of 400 of Swedish companies is analysed using binary regression analyses along with a thematic analysis of 15 previously carried out interviews with company representatives. The findings of the study support a hypothesis of ISO 14001 certified companies being more likely- and further indicates that companies with higher annual net revenues are less likely to engage with the initiative. Moreover, the findings indicate that engagement is especially influenced by competitive motives. It is further suggested that financially smaller, along with certified, companies thus perceive greater marketing and coinciding legitimising benefits from engagement in the initiative. This paper thereby contributes to the literature on private actors and their collaborations with public actors in climate governance by providing with insights into which and why companies voluntarily engage with the climate initiative.

Non-violent protests are extensively connected to successful democratization, but they also constitute socially fragmenting events. This is particularly dangerous in societies with pre-existing ethnic divisions which is why the protests’ democratizing effects need to be studied on a subnational level. A protest movement will, regardless of its size, only manage to actively include a minority of a country’s population, which is why the ‘spill-over effects’ on non-participants also need to be studied. This study thus addresses the question: How do democratizing spill-over effects from non-violent protest campaigns affect different socio-political groups? I hypothesise that non-aligned groups are less likely to see the effects as social echo-chambers are likely to minimize their exposure to the movements’ democratic ideals. I test the hypotheses by interviewing respondents from different socio-political groups on opposite sides of Malawian politics, and particularly on opposite sides of the 2019 protest movement. Only partial support was found for the theorised echo-chamber effects, but this is explained by the findings that these groups were less isolated than expected and shared a general distrust of Malawian leaders. The main democratizing effect of the 2019 non-violent protest movement was a broad sense of ‘empowerment’.

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The practise of euthanasia is not new. There was general support for voluntary euthanasiathroughout Roman antiquity in lieu of prolonged suffering. This paper will use a normativeframework with an argumentative structure to argue for the legalisation of euthanasia andphysician-assisted suicide to support terminally ill persons' autonomy rights concerning selfdeterminationand well-being. Further, the paper will argue in favour of the Netherlands model ofeuthanasia and physician-assisted suicide as being superior to the Belgium model. The aim is toillustrate why the refusal to legalise euthanasia and physician-assisted suicide for terminally illpersons violates the person's rights.The paper also aims to contribute to the debate on this complex and relevant topic. The line ofreasoning will incorporate discourse and critiques concerning why euthanasia should not belegalised and assert that they seem to be founded on invalid argumentation. Moreover, thearguments presented will encompass the utilitarian theory of the right action being theconsequences with the most significant outcome. Finally, the thesis affirms that denying aterminally ill person access to euthanasia and physician-assisted suicide when making end of lifedecisions violates and restricts their human right to autonomy concerning self-determination andwell-being. Thus, euthanasia and physician-assisted should be legalised, and if legalised, theNetherlands model is superior to the Belgium model.