Late twentieth-century discourses regarding deaf people and sign language provide the theoretical background for investigating early modern families with hereditary deafness within the Kentish Weald. The first of its kind, this thesis described the methods used to ascertain the presence of sufficient numbers of networked deaf people to maintain natural sign language. A source-driven work, it began with two data sources - a list generated by previous American genealogical research of the first known European-American deaf families originating from seventeenth-century Kent and the 1851 Census of Great Britain, a previously unexplored resource of the first attempt to fully enumerate deaf people in Britain. This thesis was based on an analysis of primary documentation and a critical reading of previous primary and secondary sources seeking to connect the two initial sources. Its framework was predicated on a stance that acknowledges and values deaf culture and its embodied performed manifestation, sign language. Examining the discourses surrounding deaf people throughout the period, it relied upon the concepts of representation, individual identity, and group identity to query the existence of a deaf group identity predating the labels used to describe it.

He, Jia. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [150-154] ). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Acknowledgements --- p.i / Abstract --- p.iii / 摘要 --- p.iv / Chapter CHAPTER ONE --- INTRODUCTION --- p.5 / Chapter 1.1 --- Introduction --- p.5 / Chapter 1.2 --- Classifiers in natural languages --- p.7 / Chapter 1.2.1 --- Classifier systems in spoken languages --- p.7 / Chapter 1.2.2 --- Classifiers in signed languages --- p.10 / Chapter 1.3 --- Instruments in spoken languages --- p.13 / Chapter 1.4 --- Objectives of the study --- p.18 / Chapter 1.5 --- Research questions --- p.19 / Chapter 1.6 --- Organization of the thesis --- p.20 / Chapter CHAPTER TWO --- CLASSIFIERS IN SIGNED LANGUAGES --- p.22 / Chapter 2.1 --- Introduction --- p.22 / Chapter 2.2 --- Classifier predicates in signed languages --- p.22 / Chapter 2.2.1 --- Classification of classifier handshape unit in classifier predicates --- p.22 / Chapter 2.2.2 --- Classification of movement unit in classifier predicates --- p.25 / Chapter 2.3 --- Previous formal analyses on classifier predicates in signed languages --- p.28 / Chapter 2.3.1 --- Meir's (2001) noun incorporation analysis in Israel Sign Language --- p.28 / Chapter 2.3.2 --- Zwitserlood's (2003) analysis of verbs of motion and location in NGT --- p.29 / Chapter 2.3.3 --- Benedicto and Brentari's (2004) syntactic analysis of classifier predicates in ASL --- p.31 / Chapter 2.3.4 --- Some previous attempts to analyze classifier predicates in HKSL --- p.33 / Chapter 2.4 --- Interim discussion and conclusion --- p.36 / Chapter CHAPTER THREE --- RESEARCH METHODOLOGY --- p.37 / Chapter 3.1 --- Introduction --- p.37 / Chapter 3.2 --- Background of Tianjin Sign Language --- p.37 / Chapter 3.3 --- Data collection --- p.38 / Chapter 3.3.1 --- Consultants --- p.38 / Chapter 3.3.2 --- Elicitation materials --- p.39 / Chapter 3.3.2.1 --- "Movies: ""Tweety and Sylvester""" --- p.39 / Chapter 3.3.2.2 --- Picture stories --- p.40 / Chapter 3.3.2.3 --- Simple picture descriptions --- p.41 / Chapter 3.3.3 --- Elicitation tasks and procedures --- p.46 / Chapter 3.3.4 --- Transcription method --- p.47 / Chapter 3.4 --- Interim discussion and conclusion --- p.47 / Chapter CHAPTER FOUR --- RESULTS AND DATA DESCRIPTION --- p.48 / Chapter 4.1 --- Introduction --- p.48 / Chapter 4.2 --- Inventory of handshapes for instrument classifier predicates --- p.48 / Chapter 4.3 --- Classifier handshape and predicate types --- p.66 / Chapter 4.4 --- Interim discussion and conclusion --- p.68 / Chapter CHAPTER FIVE --- THEORETICAL BACKGROUNDS --- p.69 / Chapter 5.1 --- Distributed Morphology --- p.69 / Chapter 5.1.1 --- An overview of Distributed Morphology --- p.69 / Chapter 5.1.2 --- The concept of morpheme in DM --- p.73 / Chapter 5.1.3 --- Cyclic domain in DM --- p.73 / Chapter 5.1.4 --- Why reject Lexicalism? --- p.74 / Chapter 5.1.5 --- Interim discussion and conclusion --- p.77 / Chapter 5.2 --- Capturing 3-place predicates in syntax --- p.79 / Chapter 5.2.1 --- Larson's VP-shell analysis (1988) --- p.79 / Chapter 5.2.2 --- "Pylkannen's analysis (2002, 2008)" --- p.83 / Chapter 5.2.2.1 --- Introduction of non-core arguments --- p.83 / Chapter 5.2.2.2 --- Applicatives in natural languages --- p.84 / Chapter 5.2.3 --- Interim Discussion and conclusion --- p.87 / Chapter CHAPTER SIX --- FORMAL ANALYSIS OF INSTRUMENT CLASSIFIER PREDICATES IN TJSL --- p.89 / Chapter 6.1 --- Introduction --- p.89 / Chapter 6.2 --- Morphosyntactic properties of instrument classifier predicates in TJSL --- p.89 / Chapter 6.2.1 --- Two types of three-place classifier predicates in TJSL --- p.89 / Chapter 6.2.2 --- Handling classifier handshape and agentivity --- p.93 / Chapter 6.2.3 --- Signer's body encodes agentivity --- p.96 / Chapter 6.2.3.1 --- Grammatical function of the signer's body --- p.97 / Chapter 6.2.3.2 --- Test for argument status of signer's body --- p.100 / Chapter 6.2.4 --- Classifier handshape and noun class system --- p.107 / Chapter 6.2.4.1 --- Classifier handshape and gender system --- p.109 / Chapter 6.2.4.2 --- Instrument classifier handshapes: unifying gender system and noun classes --- p.110 / Chapter 6.2.4.2.1 --- Variation in the choice of classifier handshape in instrument classifier predicates in TJSL --- p.110 / Chapter 6.2.4.2.2 --- Classifier handshape and ^-feature specification --- p.113 / Chapter 6.2.4.2.3 --- Locationalization of classifier handshapes in space --- p.118 / Chapter 6.3 --- Structural representation of instrument classifier predicates --- p.120 / Chapter 6.3.1 --- Voice0 and volitional external argument in instrument classifier predicates --- p.120 / Chapter 6.3.2 --- Instrument as high applicative --- p.121 / Chapter 6.3.3 --- How instrument classifier predicates are derived in TJSL? --- p.125 / Chapter 6.4 --- Interim discussion and conclusion --- p.138 / Chapter CHAPTER SEVEN --- CONCLUSIONS --- p.139 / Chapter 7.1 --- Summery --- p.139 / Chapter 7.2 --- Theoretical implications --- p.140 / List of tables / Appendix I / Appendix II / References

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 2003. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 234-243).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2002. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references. Available also from UMI Company.

Mexican Sign Language, or El Lenguaje de Sefias Mexicanas (LSM), and the Deaf community of Mexico have not been extensively studied. This dissertation offers lexical analyses of LSM. Drawing from video data, I examine an elicited lexicon of LSM as articulated by six Deaf consultants from two cities: Aguascalientes and Mexico City. This dissertation focuses on signs that are articulated similarly among the consultants. Two or more sign forms are considered to be similarly-articulated when those forms share the same approximate meaning and when they share the same values on at least two of the three main parameters of handshape, movement, and place of articulation. By focusing on this set of signs, I investigate and document patterns in sign variation internal to LSM. Place of articulation is found to be relatively stable compared to the variation seen in the parameters of handshape and movement. Additionally, other patterns among the articulatory variants are found such as sets of handshapes, movements, and places that tend to vary among similarly-articulated signs. A second goal of the dissertation is to investigate whether the findings from the internal investigation of LSM are valid across other sign languages. Eduardo Huet, a deaf Frenchman, established the first school for the deaf in 1867 in Mexico City. Due to the educational influence from Huet, French Sign Language (LSF) is likely to have influenced the development of LSM. Thus, this dissertation includes a pair-wise comparison between LSM and LSF. A second pair-wise comparison included involves LSM and Spanish Sign Language (LSE) because of the shared ambient language and related ambient cultures; this comparison addresses the assumption that LSM and LSE would be similar because of linguistic and cultural similarities between Mexico and Spain. A third pair-wise comparison involves LSM and Japanese Sign Language (JSL) as a control comparison. LSM and JSL are known to have distinct historical developments and do not share an ambient language or culture. For each of the three pair-wise comparisons, I focus on the set of similarly-articulated signs. In addition to investigating articulatory patterns, I also investigate potential sources for similarly-articulated signs, i.e., whether these similarities are likely borrowings or shared icons. Not surprising, I found that the pair-wise comparison of LSM-LSF exhibited the most likely borrowings and LSM-JSL the least. Additionally, the analyses of the three pair-wise comparisons suggest a base level of similarly-articulated signs that are likely due to shared icons. The findings from the pair-wise analysis further suggest that patterns documented in the internal analysis of LSM also hold for the cross-linguistic analyses. The parameter variations among the set of similarly-articulated signs suggest a potential trend that might be valid internally and cross-linguistically for sign languages in general. / text

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 1998. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 278-288). Available also in a digital version from Dissertation Abstracts.

Thesis PlanB (M.S.)--University of Wisconsin--Stout, 2009. / Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis PlanB (M.S.)--University of Wisconsin--Stout, 2006. / Includes bibliographical references.

In light of the absence of codified standard varieties of British Sign Language (BSL) and German Sign Language (Deutsche Gebclrdensprache, DGS), there have been repeated calls for the standardisation of both languages primarily from outside the deaf communities. The development of standard varieties has been suggested to facilitate political recognition and the establishment of linguistic norms which could enable sign language users to gain equal access to education, administration and commerce. Although frequently labelled as sociolinguistic enquiry, much research in standardisation and language planning displays a certain preference for investigating the linguistic aspects of language. Explicit discussion of social-theoretical perspectives is scarce. In order to address this imbalance, this study focuses on the social aspect of the subject matter by investigating the concept of sign language standardisation from the perspective of deaf sign language teachers. Taking a comparative approach, research findings are based on 17 in-depth interviews conducted in Germany and the UK which were analysed drawing on grounded theory. Participants in both countries conceptualised sign language standardisation predominantly as externally imposed language change pertaining to the eradication of regional dialects. Given that in contrast to hearing learners of sign languages, participants did not regard regional variation as a problem but as a highly valued feature of BSL and DGS, sign language standardisation was seen as a threat to sign languages. Moreover, the subject matter was also perceived as embodying hearing people's hegemony by bringing to the fore traditional power imbalances between deaf people and hearing stake holders in the political and educational realms. This study is the first to explore and examine perceptions of and attitudes towards sign language standardisation in the UK and Germany. It thereby contributes to knowledge in respect to sign language sociolinguistics, as well as standardisation and language planning in the wider field. Moreover, taking an explicitly sociolinguistic approach and in drawing on social research methodology, this study offers an atypical perspective on the issue of language standardisation in general.