The goal of our research is to analyze Sino-African relationships during the post-Cold War era with a systemic behaviorism approach. This research focuses on providing explicative interpretations of the outstanding features in China¡¦s diplomatic and economic relations with Africa from an international/domestic context. Our work tries to break generally accepted connotations in Sino-African relations, in answer to questions regarding their origin, impact and perspective. The end of the Cold War has drastically changed the world structure. With the exception of Eastern Europe, the ¡§Spring of Beijing¡¨ in 1989 has completely modified the Occidental perception of China. To aggravate the situation, China was isolated when it became the biggest communist power following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. Despite the distancing between China and Africa in the 1980¡¦s, China attempted to reinforce comprehensive relations with Africa in hopes of political and economic gains. Due to increasing needs of support, China intensified and diversified their approach towards Africa. China needed Africa¡¦s support because Africa was a strategic and diplomatic lever against external coercion. During the post-Cold War period, China focused on Occidental and particularly American supremacy. China wanted to shift the balance of power and to do so required a network of allies within the African continent. China also wanted to use the strength of Africa¡¦s counter-power to construct a multi-polar world based on China¡¦s ideology. China¡¦s renewed interest towards Africa made the latter more ¡§polyvalent¡¨ for the Chinese regime. African countries took actions to help the Chinese in issues such as human rights. The human rights issue was a platform for solidarity between the two parties since they both have shared common beliefs in the anti-human right movement. Africa was also asked to hinder the diplomatic recognition of Taiwan, a nation in which China considers to be a ¡§rebel province.¡¨ This was evident from 1993 when Taiwan led a campaign in Africa to re-enter the United Nations and to obtain a full political status of a state. Contrary to all expectations, rivalry regarding to the diplomatic recognition of Taiwan in Africa was pacified after the South-African episode. A phenomenon of détente was seen in Africa. From the economic aspect, Africa became China¡¦s ideal trading partner despite the geo-economic consideration. The Chinese great leader Deng Xiaoping wanted to create a China that is materially strong and wealthy. Establishing good worldwide trading relationship was required to accomplish such a task. Trading with Africa was more promising than Russia despite their geographic location. The African market offered a greater potential outlet for Chinese exports, which was particularly important since the economy of China was slowing down. Africa¡¦s natural resources were also in high demand in China. Fossil fuel was an excellent example because China had become a crude oil importing country since 1996. China¡¦s severe deficiency of energy resources also created a serious problem for the nation¡¦s autonomy. The lack of energy resources in China was a key component in the political and economical game between China and the African oil producing countries such as Sudan. This creates an original type of axis: client and ally. Thus, Sino-African relations are determined by four key variables: American supremacy, question of Taiwan, African market and African natural resources. Contrary to generally accepted ideas and ancient models of interaction, Sino-African relations of our times evolved in a rational way and expanded from the political fields to the economic fields due to the fact that China is heavily dependent on Africa.

Chinese economic growth has astounded the world of late, with China officially becoming the world’s second largest economy in August 2010. China has also been following a more outward-orientated economic stance over the past two decades and has actively been engaged in trade, aid and investment in the world economy. As China emerges as a new global economic powerhouse, analysts strive to understand the impact that the rise of China will have on the rest of the world. The possible economic impact of China on Africa is one of the most debated and often contentious aspects of studies regarding China. Sino-African relations, though certainly not a new phenomenon, have seen a significant impetus since 2000. A popular explanation for China’s recent engagement of Africa seems to be that China is hungry for resources needed to fuel its economic growth. This conception has led to much criticism of China’s increasing involvement in Africa, causing concern that China’s interest in Africa will entrench corruption and deepen the so-called resource curse experienced in many resource abundant African countries. China’s official policy on Africa, as embodied in its White Paper on Africa, which was released in 2006, and also in FOCAC (Forum on China-Africa Cooperation) refutes the notion of a neo-colonialist relationship with Africa. China’s official stance on Sino-African relations, as based on these documents, declares the need for a relationship based on mutual benefit and respect for sovereignty. Sino-African relations encompass many modes of economic interaction, including investment, trade and aid. This study focuses on Chinese Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) to Africa, and the possible impact thereof on Africa. It is an important issue since Africa is still the poorest continent in the world and needs to manage its resources carefully in order to enhance growth on the continent. FDI has also frequently been identified as a possible catalyst for growth in Africa. This study investigates the potential impact of Chinese FDI in Africa by means of a literature study which focuses on the theoretical relationship between FDI and economic growth in developing countries, and in Africa specifically. A survey of the literature on the relationship between FDI and economic growth published between 1998 and early 2010 shows that studies on this topic are varied and inconclusive. Though there is no proof of a positive, uni-directional relationship between FDI and economic growth, it is generally accepted that FDI can enhance economic growth in a host economy, given certain basic levels of educational attainment and institutional quality. Following the literature study, the state of global FDI is investigated, focusing on the volumes of nominal FDI flows that have been received by developed and developing countries between 1990 and 2008. As expected, developed countries dominated FDI inflows during this period. Africa, as a developing region, lagged behind most other developing regions in terms of FDI inflows during this period, though the continent has seen an exponential increase in nominal FDI receipts since 2000. Looking at developing regions, developing Asia received the largest volume of FDI inflows during the period 1990 to 2008, while Developing Oceania received the smallest inflows. A basic profile of Chinese investment in Africa is also provided, illustrating clearly that Chinese investment in Africa has been rising steadily since 2000 and 2006 in particular. The profile provides background information on the specific African countries, sub regions and economic growth performers that have received Chinese FDI during the period covered. Chinese investment in Africa is widespread, with 45 of the 53 African nations receiving FDI from China between 2003 and 2008. In contrast with more traditional investors, who focus mostly on North Africa, Chinese FDI to Africa during the period under revision was concentrated mostly in Southern Africa. Surprisingly, Chinese FDI was also aimed at the more diversified countries that had achieved sustainable economic growth rates in the preceding decade. The analysis of Chinese FDI also shows that Chinese firms follow an unconventional way of doing business, often undertaking the building of infrastructure in return for access to various natural resources, such as oil and other minerals. Using data obtained from the 2008 Statistical Bulletin of China’s Outward Foreign Direct Investment, issued by the Chinese Ministry of Commerce, a basic cross-section panel model is estimated. The model investigates the determinants of Chinese FDI to Africa and finds that China’s motivations for investing in Africa are more diverse than initially suspected. Though oil is an important factor in attracting Chinese FDI, agricultural land and market size are also found to be significant factors which determine Chinese FDI flows to Africa. This study concludes that Chinese FDI in Africa between 2003 and 2008 does not follow the conventional, preconceived notion of Sino-African relations. Though resources are important considerations for Chinese investors in Africa, resource security is not the only motive for Chinese FDI in Africa. Africa could potentially benefit from increased Chinese FDI, though the challenge lies in strategically managing these investments in order to ensure that Africa reaps the highest possible growth and development spillover benefits. / Thesis (M.Com. (Economics))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2011.

To feed the voracious economic machine that is China’s economy, Beijing’s foray into the global sphere has become increasingly resource driven. In the past two decades, China’s formation of strategic partnerships has manifested in its symbolic bilateral cooperation with resource-rich actors outside the Western sphere. This being said it is important to explore Chinese foreign direct investments in the developing world, more specifically the critical ties it has fostered in Africa. Since 1996, Africa has been a key recipient of Chinese FDI. As the bulk of Chinese investments are increasingly directed towards Africa’s more politically volatile states, this Thesis seeks to understand the motivations of Beijing’s outward FDI and the risk management strategies it has developed for the region. Taking into account China’s rise to global power, the author will further investigate whether China’s increasing role in Africa will force the PRC to change its foreign policy goals of ‘non –intervention’ under the pressures of the international community. The author will then purpose that despite increased international scrutiny, structural inadequacies of the Chinese state will be too great an obstacle for any real change in policy.

Chinese economic growth has astounded the world of late, with China officially becoming the world’s second largest economy in August 2010. China has also been following a more outward-orientated economic stance over the past two decades and has actively been engaged in trade, aid and investment in the world economy. As China emerges as a new global economic powerhouse, analysts strive to understand the impact that the rise of China will have on the rest of the world. The possible economic impact of China on Africa is one of the most debated and often contentious aspects of studies regarding China. Sino-African relations, though certainly not a new phenomenon, have seen a significant impetus since 2000. A popular explanation for China’s recent engagement of Africa seems to be that China is hungry for resources needed to fuel its economic growth. This conception has led to much criticism of China’s increasing involvement in Africa, causing concern that China’s interest in Africa will entrench corruption and deepen the so-called resource curse experienced in many resource abundant African countries. China’s official policy on Africa, as embodied in its White Paper on Africa, which was released in 2006, and also in FOCAC (Forum on China-Africa Cooperation) refutes the notion of a neo-colonialist relationship with Africa. China’s official stance on Sino-African relations, as based on these documents, declares the need for a relationship based on mutual benefit and respect for sovereignty. Sino-African relations encompass many modes of economic interaction, including investment, trade and aid. This study focuses on Chinese Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) to Africa, and the possible impact thereof on Africa. It is an important issue since Africa is still the poorest continent in the world and needs to manage its resources carefully in order to enhance growth on the continent. FDI has also frequently been identified as a possible catalyst for growth in Africa. This study investigates the potential impact of Chinese FDI in Africa by means of a literature study which focuses on the theoretical relationship between FDI and economic growth in developing countries, and in Africa specifically. A survey of the literature on the relationship between FDI and economic growth published between 1998 and early 2010 shows that studies on this topic are varied and inconclusive. Though there is no proof of a positive, uni-directional relationship between FDI and economic growth, it is generally accepted that FDI can enhance economic growth in a host economy, given certain basic levels of educational attainment and institutional quality. Following the literature study, the state of global FDI is investigated, focusing on the volumes of nominal FDI flows that have been received by developed and developing countries between 1990 and 2008. As expected, developed countries dominated FDI inflows during this period. Africa, as a developing region, lagged behind most other developing regions in terms of FDI inflows during this period, though the continent has seen an exponential increase in nominal FDI receipts since 2000. Looking at developing regions, developing Asia received the largest volume of FDI inflows during the period 1990 to 2008, while Developing Oceania received the smallest inflows. A basic profile of Chinese investment in Africa is also provided, illustrating clearly that Chinese investment in Africa has been rising steadily since 2000 and 2006 in particular. The profile provides background information on the specific African countries, sub regions and economic growth performers that have received Chinese FDI during the period covered. Chinese investment in Africa is widespread, with 45 of the 53 African nations receiving FDI from China between 2003 and 2008. In contrast with more traditional investors, who focus mostly on North Africa, Chinese FDI to Africa during the period under revision was concentrated mostly in Southern Africa. Surprisingly, Chinese FDI was also aimed at the more diversified countries that had achieved sustainable economic growth rates in the preceding decade. The analysis of Chinese FDI also shows that Chinese firms follow an unconventional way of doing business, often undertaking the building of infrastructure in return for access to various natural resources, such as oil and other minerals. Using data obtained from the 2008 Statistical Bulletin of China’s Outward Foreign Direct Investment, issued by the Chinese Ministry of Commerce, a basic cross-section panel model is estimated. The model investigates the determinants of Chinese FDI to Africa and finds that China’s motivations for investing in Africa are more diverse than initially suspected. Though oil is an important factor in attracting Chinese FDI, agricultural land and market size are also found to be significant factors which determine Chinese FDI flows to Africa. This study concludes that Chinese FDI in Africa between 2003 and 2008 does not follow the conventional, preconceived notion of Sino-African relations. Though resources are important considerations for Chinese investors in Africa, resource security is not the only motive for Chinese FDI in Africa. Africa could potentially benefit from increased Chinese FDI, though the challenge lies in strategically managing these investments in order to ensure that Africa reaps the highest possible growth and development spillover benefits. / Thesis (M.Com. (Economics))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2011.

China is becoming an increasingly important actor in international political and economic relations. The pace of Chinese economic growth triggers a progressively growing demand for natural resources. After launching the "open-door" policy in the Chinese modern history (which attracted the important sources of capital inflows), the Chinese government introduced a "go-out" strategy for the Chinese companies to integrate them into the global structures. This strategy has its direct impacts on developing countries, where the Chinese presence is apparent the most. China is cooperating with all of the developing regions; however, sixty-year long cooperation with Africa is outstanding in many ways. In this continent China has to encounter other traditional actors -- European Union above all, as Africa constitutes a centrepiece in European development cooperation policy. The aim of this master thesis is to describe the shape and evolution of long-term Sino-African relations into today's "strategic partnership", which is being regarded as "rediscovered" in this thesis, and to conclude with the implications for the EU policy. To achieve this, the thesis is divided into three chapters. First chapter deals with the theoretical basis for the shape of Sino-African relations, in broad terms of Chinese foreign policy towards developing countries. The second chapter looks onto actual, mainly economic and developmental, impacts of the Chinese "go-out" strategy on Africa. The thesis indicates the approach of the European Union to the rediscovered partnership.

L’initiative Belt and Road (BRI) a été lancée en 2013 par le président chinois Xi Jinping. En 2021, 46 pays africains avaient déjà signé des accords avec la Chine pour réaliser des travaux dans le cadre de l’Initiative. À contre-courant, la Tanzanie et la Sierra Leone ont suspendu deux projets signés dans le cadre de la BRI. Dans ce contexte, ce travail cherche à savoir pourquoi les pays africains, après avoir signé des accords de coopération avec la Chine, dans le cadre de la BRI, décident d’interrompre le projet. Pour répondre à cette question, nous ferons deux études de cas : l’interruption du projet de l’aéroport de Mamamah en Sierra Leone et celle du port de Bagamoyo en Tanzanie. L’argument développé dans cette recherche explore l’importance de l’agentivité africaine dans un contexte de coopération Sud-Sud, pour réduire les asymétries dans les négociations. Les cas analysés ont démontré qu’il existe un espace d’expression et d’opportunité pour les acteurs africains. De plus, la dynamique de la politique interne joue un rôle fondamental dans l’attitude des agents vis-à-vis des accords de coopération, ce qui contribue in fine à leur interruption ou à leur maintien. / The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) was launched in 2013 by Chinese President Xi Jinping. By 2021, 46 African countries had already signed a Memorandum of Understanding with China under the initiative. Against this broad trend, Tanzania and Sierra Leone have suspended two projects signed under the BRI. In this context, this research seeks to explain why some African countries, after signing cooperation agreements with China, within the framework of the BRI, decide to stop the project. To answer this question, we will conduct two case studies: the interruption of the Mamamah airport project in Sierra Leone and that of the Bagamoyo port in Tanzania. The argument developed in this research explores the importance of African agency in a context of South-South cooperation, to reduce asymmetries in negotiations. The cases analyzed have shown that there is a space for expression and opportunity for African actors. In addition, the dynamics of domestic politics play a fundamental role in the attitude of agents vis-à-vis cooperation agreements, which ultimately contributes to their interruption or maintenance.