Thesis (Ph.D.)--Syracuse University, 2007. / "Publication number: AAT 3295516."

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Washington State University, May 2010. / Title from PDF title page (viewed on May 14, 2010). "Department of Anthropology." Includes bibliographical references (p. 90-103).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Harvard University, 1992. / Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis--University of Wisconsin--Madison. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 325-330).

Thesis--Freie Universität Berlin. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 297-323).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Syracuse University, 2005. / "Publication number AAT 3182637."

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2006. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 67-11, Section: A, page: 4356. Adviser: Zsuzsa Gille. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 190-208) Available on microfilm from Pro Quest Information and Learning.

<p> Resumen La violencia se ha considerado un problema global de Salud P&uacute;blica. De acuerdo con el Informe mundial sobre la violencia y la salud de la Organizaci&oacute;n Mundial de la Salud (OMS, 2002), cada a&ntilde;o m&aacute;s de 1.6 millones de personas pierden la vida violentamente, consider&aacute;ndose una de las primeras causas de muerte en la poblaci&oacute;n comprendida entre los 15 y 44 a&ntilde;os. La violencia es la responsable tambi&eacute;n del 14 por ciento de las defunciones en la poblaci&oacute;n masculina y del 7 por ciento en la femenina. </p><p> La OMS dividi&oacute; la violencia en tres categor&iacute;as, estas son: 1) violencia dirigida hacia uno(a) mismo(a), 2) violencia interpersonal, y 3) violencia colectiva. Este trabajo se enfoca en la violencia interpersonal que es aquella que una persona inflige a otra o a un grupo peque&ntilde;o de personas. Algunos ejemplos de violencia interpersonal son: el maltrato de ni&ntilde;os, ancianos y mujeres, la violencia juvenil, violaciones sexuales y actos violentos, que incluyen el asesinato. Seg&uacute;n la OMS, aun cuando la violencia se divida en varias categor&iacute;as, estas comparten factores de riesgo como el uso de alcohol y drogas, las armas de fuego, y las desigualdades econ&oacute;micas y sociales. As&iacute; las cosas, la prevenci&oacute;n de un tipo de violencia impacta a la otra. </p><p> Este trabajo consider&oacute; la violencia interpersonal, particularmente los asesinatos y homicidios, relacionados al mercado de las drogas ilegales en Puerto Rico. En la Isla, la muerte causada por violencia interpersonal, como asesinatos y homicidios, se encuentra entre las primeras causas de defunci&oacute;n, superando las muertes por enfermedades cr&oacute;nicas, VIH y suicidio. </p><p> La poblaci&oacute;n m&aacute;s afectada por la violencia interpersonal se encuentra en edad productiva (20 a los 39 a&ntilde;os) y en su mayor&iacute;a son varones. Las estad&iacute;sticas m&aacute;s recientes de la Polic&iacute;a de Puerto Rico muestran una relaci&oacute;n entre la poblaci&oacute;n que sufre m&aacute;s mortalidad por violencia interpersonal y el mercado de las drogas ilegales. Cabe se&ntilde;alar que, en el Informe del Centro de Inteligencia Nacional de Drogas del Departamento de Justicia de los Estados Unidos del 2008, se catalog&oacute; la zona caribe&ntilde;a que comprende Puerto Rico e Isla V&iacute;rgenes como &aacute;rea de alto tr&aacute;fico de drogas. </p><p> Entre las externalidades negativas del mercado de la droga, podemos encontrar el encarcelamiento y muerte y la aplicaci&oacute;n por parte del estado de pol&iacute;ticas punitivas, basadas en la Guerra Contra las Drogas, de los Estados Unidos de Am&eacute;rica (EUA). Esta se ha responsabilizado por el aumento en la poblaci&oacute;n penal en los EUA y Puerto Rico. Se ha planteado que esta Guerra es un instrumento de control social contra poblaciones marginadas. En el caso de Puerto Rico, contra la mitad de la poblaci&oacute;n que se encuentra bajo el nivel de pobreza. </p><p> Tomando en consideraci&oacute;n lo discutido, se realiz&oacute; un estudio con un dise&ntilde;o exploratorio descriptivo, de corte cualitativo. Se logr&oacute; recopilar informaci&oacute;n sobre los determinantes sociales y el contexto de una poblaci&oacute;n de hombres convictos asesinatos relacionados al mercado de las drogas ilegales en Puerto Rico. El estudio identific&oacute; los siguientes aspectos en esta poblaci&oacute;n: 1) Posici&oacute;n socioecon&oacute;mica que limitaba el acceso a bienes, servicios, trabajo y educaci&oacute;n, 2) Exposici&oacute;n en la ni&ntilde;ez y adolescencia a drogas ilegales y armas de fuego, lo que se trasladaba a la misma pr&aacute;ctica en la vida adulta, 3) Testigos de situaciones violentas en el hogar y v&iacute;ctimas de alg&uacute;n tipo de maltrato, 4) Enjuiciados al involucrarse de forma directa o indirecta con el mercado de las drogas ilegales, 5) Violencia estructural en el sistema correccional y falta de alternativas para reintegrarse a la sociedad. De las narrativas de los participantes se identificaron discursos de dominio y resistencia, tales como: 1) Precariedad econ&oacute;mica frente a necesidad de consumo, 2) Inequidad y opresi&oacute;n, 3) Masculinidad hegem&oacute;nica, 4) Violencia defensiva, 5) Resistencia al discurso de erradicaci&oacute;n de las drogas ilegales, y 6) Estrategias comunitarias para resistir la inequidad y opresi&oacute;n procedente de la estructura social.</p><p>

<p> Similar to the goals of lifelong social activists, social workers are charged with pursuing social change for persons who live in poverty, face discrimination, and other forms of social injustice (National Association of Social Workers [NASW], 2008). In order to accomplish this mandate it is important to identify and emulate strategies that have historically been used by social activists to combat oppression and create social change. This dissertation research seeks to fill gaps regarding the lived experiences of lifelong social activists and to answer the following research questions: (1) How do individuals navigate a lifelong activism journey? (2) How have older lifelong social activists worked toward social change? </p><p> A multiple case study methodology was used to allow for a thorough examination and description of each participant&rsquo;s experiences as well as a cross case comparison to produce common themes (Creswell, 2013; Stake, 2006; Yin, 2014). The sample consisted of four women and five men between the ages of 71 and 96 (M= 83). One of the participants identified as African American and eight of the participants identified as Caucasian. Data analysis followed multiple case study principles including with-in and cross-case analyses. Atlas ti, qualitative data analysis software, was used to organize the database and assist with analysis. </p><p> In response to the first research question, participants described three key components for navigating a lifelong activism journey: (1) conceptualizing social justice, (2) identifying and staying connected to motivating factors, and (3) cultivating and sustaining a lifelong activism journey. Each activist described their process for conceptualizing social justice which began with a <i>sense</i> of social justice that influenced their beliefs about how the world should be ordered; in turn, this drove how participants identified social problems and how they critiqued oppressive systems and social structures. Next, participants identified multiple motivating factors that moved them from conceptualizing social justice to working toward social change. Finally, the activists described several key elements that helped them cultivate and sustain their activism journeys including exposure to different membership groups and ideologies, establishing personal goals, relationships, identifying barriers, and self-reflection. </p><p> The second research question addressed strategies for working toward social change. For the activists in this study, a variety of resources, and movement through a series of stages was required in order to engage in social change work. A preparatory stage, organization stage, action stage, and a follow-up stage appeared to be interconnected and cyclical. Participants also identified the primary resources used throughout the activism stages, which included people, organizations, fundraising, and activism materials. </p><p> Each stage of the activism process revealed important information about how to work toward social change. The preparatory stage included a series of steps that prepared activists to organize for an action including recognizing the need for change, personal and group contemplation, investigating the social problem, and dividing the tasks necessary to move forward. The second stage, an organizational stage, moved activists from intellectualizing an issue to engaging in a social action. This stage of the activism process involved joining or forming social change groups, recruiting allies, training allies and peers, and detailed planning of the event. The third stage of the activism process included six social activism strategies: (1) advocating, (2) creative methods, (3) demonstrating, (4) educating the public, (5) providing resources, and (6) writing letters. The participants also identified a purpose and an intended outcome for each action. The fourth and final stage of the activism process was the follow-up stage. During this stage the participants assessed the action to improve future actions.</p><p>

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