Thesis (Ph.D.)--Duquesne University, 2005. / Title from document title page. Abstract included in electronic submission form. Includes bibliographical references (p. 105-110) and index.

The global working environment has altered dramatically over the last decade, with the workforce now consisting of a diverse assortment of individuals. South Africa, in particular, has had to face major challenges as it adapts to the newly conceived "Rainbow Nation". It has also had to make amends for inequalities bred by the past discrimination and the segregation of Apartheid. Prior to this, businesses in general, were inward-looking in that they did not have to comply with or conform to the changing trends found in the international arena. Suddenly, issues such as Black Economic Empowerment, Affirmative Action, gender, age, faith and preferred sexual orientation have had to be accommodated as the new Employment Equity Act of 1998 was promulgated. Each individual coming into the workplace has his or her own cosmological, ontological and epistemological view, and although this facilitates a positive contribution by individuals with regard to varying ideas, skills, talents and expertise, more often than not, the reality is that the differences that exist within a staff complement often result in conflict. Furthermore, South Africa exhibits deep-rooted, social conflict as a result of the oppression of the apartheid years. Unemployment, poverty, poor education and service deliveries are far from being satisfactorily addressed. Therefore, it is assumed that unmet/frustrated basic human needs, as defined in Abraham Maslow‘s "Hierarchy of Needs", play a role in causing conflict both in the workplace and in society. It was felt that basic human needs, as articulated, had not been researched as a cause of workplace conflict and this research will explore the part that frustrated human needs may play in organisational conflict, alongside diversity conflicts.

Set against a backdrop of ongoing social conflict in the country, this study sets out to explore how South African journalists understand their roles and responsibilities when it comes to reporting on conflict. The study seeks to determine whether journalists believe they have a constructive contribution to make in the peaceful management and resolution of social conflict. It also seeks to establish whether journalists see themselves as being able to contribute to creating conditions that can facilitate dialogue and constructive engagement. Furthermore the study aims to explore the extent to which the views and perceptions of South African journalists could be said to be consistent with the ideas put forward in the emerging field of peace journalism. In seeking to address these questions the study begins by identifying a core set of guidelines that could be said to characteristic of peace journalism. It then draws on in-depth interviews conducted with 12 experienced reporters to gain a sense of how journalists understand their roles. The 12 reporters were drawn from mainstream newspapers from South Africa’s main metropolitan areas. Following an analysis of these interviews the study found that many journalists see themselves as having a positive contribution to make towards peacemaking and peace building. However, these contributions, they argue, must be seen as the product of good reporting rather than as emanating from deliberate attempts to intervene in conflict. The study then contrasted the journalists’ perceptions with the principles and normative guidelines proposed by peace journalism and found that many of the journalists’ beliefs are consistent with peace journalism. It appears that, while they may not directly call themselves peace journalists, many of the reporters interviewed saw themselves as playing roles similar to those advocated by peace journalism.

M.A. / Ethnic conflict, a reality throughout the world, demands strong action and firm control from the Military and Police Forces of affected societies. It is important that the Police, in any given society, should act impartially and objectively in the execution of their duties. Policing of ethnic groups in conflict should therefore take place without differentiating between population groups. This study investigates the attitudes of black policemen towards ethnic violence as related to (i) factors like ethnic identification, loyalty to the South African Police and their experience of violence and (ii) certain biographic factors namely mother tongue, age, academic qualifications, rank, division, area stationed, years of service, marital status, children, school going children, place of residence, acknowledgement of traditional tribal heads and period of participation in the study. In this study empirical research was conducted in which a questionnaire was completed by a sample of 298 black policemen. The questionnaire consisted of questions on the biographical background of black policemen as well as questions measuring their attitude towards ethnic violence, their ethnic identification, their loyalty to the South African Police and their experience of violence. To measure the above-mentioned factors, four scales were developed by means of factor analysis and item analysis. Ethnic identification, loyalty to the South African Police, experience of violence and attitude towards ethnic violence were further analysed in terms of the biographical background of policemen, making use of one-way analysis of variance and Scheffe's paired comparisons, Hotelling T2 and t tests and Pearsons correlation. It was found that black policemen who are South Sotho speaking identify stronger with their ethnic group than Zulu speaking policemen. It was further found that black policemen who joined the South African Police with service for their country as motive, who acknowledge traditional tribal heads and experienced verbal insult and intimidation in a high degree, have a strong identification with their ethnic group. With regard to loyalty to the South African Police, it was found that black policemen stationed in Soweto, are more loyal to the police than policemen stationed on the East Rand. It was also found that black policemen who joined the South African Police with service for their country as motive, and who are older, are more loyal to the police. Regarding black policemen's experience of violence, it was found that policemen who are stationed on the East Rand experienced more violence than black policemen stationed in Soweto. It was also found that black policemen who experience a high degree of verbal insult and intimidation, and those who participated in the study just after the election have experienced a high degree of violence. Regarding the intercorrelation between the different scales, it was found that the more black policemen identify with their ethnic group, the more they experience violence and the more they approve of ethnic violence. It was further found that black policemen who approve of ethnic violence, identify stronger with their ethnic group, are less loyal to the South African Police and experience violence to a higher degree.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The thesis is an analysis of the strikes at Volkswagen SA during the period 1999-2000 and its social and political outcomes. Seen from a broader perspective, it is a case study of social conflict in a young democracy after the formal demise of apartheid in 1994. By the time (i.e. early in 2000) events reached a climax, the company had lost millions of Rand in revenue and more than 1300 workers their jobs. The thesis wants to explain how this came to be - despite attempts by the company to establish a pluralistic industrial relations culture that go back to the early 1990s and after, ostensibly, gaining the consent of the shop stewards committee at the factory and the NUMSA leadership for a lucrative ("A4") export agreement. After studying the literature and the press, interviewing key actors in the "drama", and closely following the proceedings of the CCMA and the Labour Court, the thesis comes up with an explanation more complex than the "conventional" ones offered during and after the strike. The immediate cause of the strike action was the nonacceptance of the terms of the export agreement by 13 shop stewards and their supporters. These shop stewards had been elected onto the VW shop steward council after their union (i.e. NUMSA) and the company had concluded the agreement. When they came out in open defiance of the agreement, they were suspended by the union for their unconstitutional action. They subsequently tried to rally their followers for their own reinstatement. However, the thesis shows that the strikes of 1999 and 2000 were merely two more outbursts of shop floor tension and conflict that had been dormant for a long time. Before and after 1994, there existed informal structures and factions at the shop floor level which refused to tow the official NUMSA "line" - a policy which increasingly started to embrace the ethos of "reconstruction" and economic competitiveness. Neither the union leadership, nor company management were able to deal with these informal structures and bring the dissident faction under control. Although the potential for more cooperation and trust did exist, both the union leadership and management failed to turn this into "social capital". The thesis suggest that this may have been possible, if there had been more direct forms of worker participation (over and above the shop stewards committee). Also, the haemorraging of the union leadership after 1994, and the increasing bureaucratisation of industrial relations did nothing to improve the situation. To make matters worse, the thesis argues, the terms ofthe export agreement were not properly communicated to the union rank and file. To top it all, the thesis provides ample evidence that the VW workers could not record any extra material gains in exchange for more flexible working arrangements in the wake of the shift from "Fordism" to "Lean Production" at the Uitenhage factory. Here, "wealth creative" industrial relations did not accompany the shift to lean production, as post-Fordist theory would like to suggest. When the 13 shop stewards and a certain percentage of the VW workforce came out in protest against this arrangement, no special efforts were made to mediate the conflict. The "fallout" of the conflict includes hundreds of millions of Rand in lost company revenue, more unemployment in one of the poorest regions of South Africa, a drawn out legal process and political divisions in worker ranks and in the Uitenhage community. Although NUMSA admits to a "wakeup call", the relationship between the COSA TU affiliated union and the state is as close as ever. In the eyes of the thesis, however, the case of the VW strike, including the direct intervention of the head of state, is proof that the young, post-settlement democracy is not yet able to deal with social conflict in a mature way. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die tesis is 'n analise van die stakings by Volkswagen SA tydens die periode 1999- 2000 en sy sosiale en politieke gevolge. Gesien vanuit 'n breer perspektief, is dit 'n gevallestudie van sosiale konflik in 'n jong demokrasie na die formele be'indiging van apartheid in 1994. Teen die tyd (vroeg in 2000) wat gebeure 'n hoogtepunt bereik het, het die maatskappy honderde miljoene Rande in inkomste verloor en meer as 1300 werkers hul werk. Die tesis wil verklaar waarom dit gebeur het - ten spyte van die pogings deur die firma sedert die vroee 1990s om 'n pluralistiese arbeidsverhoudingskultuur te skep en nadat die "shop stewards" komitee by die fabriek en die NUMSA leirskap oenskynlik sy instemming gegee het tot 'n lonende ("A4") uitvoerkontrak. Na 'n studie van die literatuur en die pers, onderhoude met sleutel akteurs in die "drama" en 'n noukeurige monitering van die verrigtinge by die CCMA en die arbeidshof, kom die tesis na vore met 'n verklaring wat meer kompleks is as die wat tydens die staking en daama aangebied is. Die onmidellike oorsaak van die staking was die nie-aanvaarding van die uitvoer ooreenkoms deur 13 "shop stewards" en hul ondersteuners. Hierdie "shop stewards" is verkies tot die VW "shop steward" komitee midat die unie (d.w.s. NUMSA) en die maatskappy die ooreenkoms gesluit het. Toe hulle openlike opposisie teen die ooreenkoms gewys het, is hulle deur die unie geskors vir hul onkonstitusionele optrede. Hulle het daama hul ondersteuners probeer mobiliseer vir die herstel van hul posisies. Die tesis wys egter dat die stakings van 1999 en 2000 bloot nog twee uitbarstings was van 'n smeulende fabrieksvloer konflik en spanning wat vir 'n lank tyd reeds sluimerend was. V oor en mi 1994 het daar informele strukture en faksies op die fabrieksvloer bestaan wat geweier het om die amptelike beleid van NUMSA te volg - 'n beleid wat toenemend die etos van "rekonstruksie" en ekonomiese mededingendheid aangeneem het. Nog die unie leierskap, nog die maatskappy bestuur was instaat om die informele strukture te hanteer en die afwykende faksie onder beheer te bring. Alhoewel die potensiaal vir meer samewerking en vertroue bestaan het, het beide die unie leierskap en die bestuur daarin gefaal om dit te omvorm tot "sosiale kapitaal". Die tesis suggereer dat dit moontlik sou gewees het as daar 'n meer direkte vorm van werkers deelname (bo en behalwe die "shop stewards" komitee) bestaan het. Die verlies aan kwaliteit leiers mi 1994, sowel as die toenemende burokratisering van arbeidsverhoudings het ook nie gehelp om die situasie te beredder me. Om dinge te vererger, redeneer die tesis, is die klousules van die uitvoer ooreenkoms nie behoorlik aan die gewone unie lede verduidelik nie. Om alles te kroon, voorsien die tesis genoeg bewyse dat die VW werkers nie enige ekstra materiele voordele kon aanteken in ruil vir meer buigsame werksreelings as deel van die skuif vanaf "Fordisme" na "Lean Production" by die fabriek in Uitenhage nie. Hier het "welvaartskeppende" arbeidsverhoudings nie hand-aan-hand gegaan met die skuif na "lean production, soos post-Fordistiese teorie wil suggereer nie. Toe die 13 "shop stewards" en 'n sekere persentasie van die VW arbeidsmag openlik daarteen geprotesteer het, is geen spesiale poging aangewend om die konflik te besleg nie. Die skade van die konflik sluit honderde miljoene Rande aan verlore maatskappy inkomste, meer werkloosheid in een van Suid-Afrika se armste streke, 'n uitgerekte regsproses en politieke verdeeldheid onder werkers en in die Uitenhage gemeenskap in. Alhoewel NUMSA erken dat hulle "wakkergeskrik" het, is die verhouding tussen die COSA TU geaffilieerde vakunie en die staat so eng soos vantevore. In die oe van· die tesis egter, is die geval van die VW staking, insluitende die direkte ingryping deur die staatshoof, 'n bewys daarvan dat die jong, post-skikking demokrasie nog nie gereed is om sosiale konflik op 'n ryp manier te hanteer nie.

D.Litt. et Phil. / The opponents of the White minority government in South Africa succeeded in 1994, by means of the electorial process, to obtain the political power in the country. These opponents of the previous government were, and still are, a composition of members from the total demographic spectrum of South Africa's population. The composition of the Bantu population in KwaZulu-Natal was traditionally family clusters of the Nguni. Conflict occurring in KwaZulu-Natal may, with reference to the past up to the recent present, be categorised as follows: Along intra-ethnic lines - the Zulu against Zulu-related family clusters. The same concerning the Xhosa. Along inter-ethnic lines - the Zulu against the Xhosa, and later the Bantu against the Whites. Along intra- and inter-ethnic lines within the Nguni. Reference is made on the one hand to the conflict between the traditionalists and modernists within the Zulu and Xhosa peoples, and on the other hand to the conflict between the Zulu and Xhosa peoples. Given the focus of this study the inherent present conflict in KwaZulu-Natal will be addressed, and then with specific emphasis on the occurrence of conflict in the geographic and demographic contact zone, viz the lower Umzimkulu Area, where the Zulu and Xhosa peoples merge. Since the dawn of South Africa's history, KwaZulu-Natal may be regarded as the territory where geographic expansionist ideals were, by means of conflict, brought to fruition. Historically, conflict situations were initiated from the Ulundi area and these conflicts gave rise to bloody "war situations." The (strategic) aim of the (tactical) offences was already then the realisation of a (geopolitical) idea of expansion.

South Africa has been experiencing service delivery protests especially in the African communities. These protests are a manifestation of conflict and dissatisfaction of communities in the ruling party in government. In order to reduce conflict, it is critical that the ruling party in government addresses the basic needs of these communities as the people start to lose confidence in the government. The study seeks to investigate whether service delivery protests could be prevented through improved provision of basic services in the communities, focusing in the New Brighton Township community, in Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality as the area of study. The provision of basic services is important for the livelihood of any community. The study analyses the extent to which poor service delivery can lead to community conflicts or revolt against the ruling party in government. Some areas of New Brighton Township community are experiencing a backlog of basic service delivery. Members of this targeted community fall within the previously disadvantaged category and expected the ruling party in government to meet their basic service needs. Chapter one provides an introduction which gives a brief overview of the study, problem statement, aims, research objectives and questions, preliminary literature review and research methodology to be employed by the study. Chapter two provide a literature review of community conflicts in relation to basic service delivery needs and peoples’ expectations. Chapter three provide the legislative framework for the developmental local government and the role of section/chapter nine (9) institutions especially the Public Protector’s role in relation to conflict. Chapter three will also provide reasons for the establishment of Local Municipalities. Chapter four provides proposals for the approaches and strategies to eliminate conflicts and policy implications. The chapter also provide an analysis of the participants’ responsesfrom the questionnaires. Chapter five will be a summary with concluding remarks and recommendations, as proposals with mitigating measures arising from the research.

This is a transdisciplinary study of how ‘popular cultures of survival’ regenerate and rehumanise township residents and communities whose social fabric and intergenerational bonds have been violently torn by endemic suffering. I focus specifically on township mothers’ and daughters’ lifeworlds with the aim of recentering these marginalised lives so that they can inform us about retheorising marginality and in this way enrich our limited academic discourses on the subjectivities of poor urban African women. Located in the interdisciplinary field of popular culture studies, the study draws on and synthesises theoretical insights from a number of disciplines such as sociology, political-science, anthropology, history, literary studies, womanist and feminist studies and indigenous studies, while using a variety of methods and sources such as interviews, reports, observation, newspapers, field notes, photo-albums, academic articles and embodied expressions to create a unique theory on the lived and embodied suffering and healing experiences of township women. I have called this situated conceptual framework that is theoretically aligned to African womanism and existential phenomenology, but principally fashioned out of township mothers and daughters ways of understanding the world and their place in it--Township mothers’ and daughters’ lived and embodied ‘cultures of survival’. And in order to surface their popular cultural survival strategies I have adopted an African womanist interpretative phenomenological methodological framework. This suggested conceptual and methodological framework has allowed me to creatively explore the dialectical tensions of the everyday township philosophies, aesthetics and moralities of ‘ukuphanta’, to hustle and ‘ukuhlonipha’, to respect, and show how they create the moral-existential ground for township mothers and daughters not only to continue to survive, but to reclaim lives of dignity and sensuality amidst repeated negation and historical hardships. / Sociology / D.Litt. et Phil. (Sociology)

This is a transdisciplinary study of how ‘popular cultures of survival’ regenerate and rehumanise township residents and communities whose social fabric and intergenerational bonds have been violently torn by endemic suffering. I focus specifically on township mothers’ and daughters’ lifeworlds with the aim of recentering these marginalised lives so that they can inform us about retheorising marginality and in this way enrich our limited academic discourses on the subjectivities of poor urban African women. Located in the interdisciplinary field of popular culture studies, the study draws on and synthesises theoretical insights from a number of disciplines such as sociology, political-science, anthropology, history, literary studies, womanist and feminist studies and indigenous studies, while using a variety of methods and sources such as interviews, reports, observation, newspapers, field notes, photo-albums, academic articles and embodied expressions to create a unique theory on the lived and embodied suffering and healing experiences of township women. I have called this situated conceptual framework that is theoretically aligned to African womanism and existential phenomenology, but principally fashioned out of township mothers and daughters ways of understanding the world and their place in it--Township mothers’ and daughters’ lived and embodied ‘cultures of survival’. And in order to surface their popular cultural survival strategies I have adopted an African womanist interpretative phenomenological methodological framework. This suggested conceptual and methodological framework has allowed me to creatively explore the dialectical tensions of the everyday township philosophies, aesthetics and moralities of ‘ukuphanta’, to hustle and ‘ukuhlonipha’, to respect, and show how they create the moral-existential ground for township mothers and daughters not only to continue to survive, but to reclaim lives of dignity and sensuality amidst repeated negation and historical hardships. / Sociology / D.Litt. et Phil. (Sociology)