by Wu Wai Man. / Thesis submitted in: December 1997. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 146-150). / Abstract also in Chinese. / Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 / Chapter Chapter 2 --- Theoretical Framework --- p.12 / Chapter Chapter 3 --- Operationalization of the Theoretical Framework --- p.27 / Chapter Chapter 4 --- General Configurations of the Collective Action Events Concerning Issues of Public Housing Estates --- p.38 / Chapter Chapter 5 --- The Hong Kong Government's Propensity of Repression --- p.49 / Chapter Chapter 6 --- Formal and Informal Access for Participants of the Public Housing Movement --- p.69 / Chapter Chapter 7 --- Policy and Strategic Orientation of the Grass-Root Oriented Political Parties --- p.99 / Chapter Chapter 8 --- Changes in the Political Alignment: the Protrusions of Pro-China Resident Organizations --- p.125 / Chapter Chapter 9 --- Conclusion --- p.133 / Appendix Background Information of the Interviewees --- p.145 / Bibliography --- p.146

動員是否可以作為一種解決公共問題的治理手段？本文基於改變他人行為的三種基本要素：交換、強制、動員，重新界定了中文語境中的動員概念，進而提出了一套新的關於解決公共問題治理風格的分析框架。在不同的條件下，三種基本要素不同程度的混合運用產生了動員式治理、科層制管理、市場化處理三種治國理政風格理想類型，它們在行為動機的理性化程度、組織機構的科層化程度、解決公共問題的分工與專業化程度三個維度上相互區別開來。 / 運用這一理論分析框架，作者比較了中國共產黨在革命、建政、改革三個歷史時期治理風格的變化及其原因。中國共產黨政治地位的轉變改變了其自身組織結構特性，這一核心因素與黨在不同歷史時期中心任務的調整及指導思想的變化，決定了其對動員、強制、交換等不同手段的取捨與搭配。革命年代訓練出來的群眾動員技巧與工作方法在中國共產黨取得執政地位後，仍舊是行之有效的治理手段，並且它與群眾路線構成了中國共產黨執政合法性的重要來源。但是，隨著執政黨所能動用的強制能力與物質資源的增長，以及黨組織自身的日益科層化，在改革開放時期，動員逐漸被有意識的弱化，由此也造成了中國共產黨在日常群眾工作和社會控制方面的衰退。 / Can mobilization be adopted as a means of governing to address the public issues? This thesis reconceptualizes the term ‘mobilization’ in the Chinese context based on three basic factors that alter human behaviors, namely, exchange, coercion, and mobilization. It puts forward a novel analytic framework of governing styles to solve the public issues. Under different circumstances, the configuration of the three basic factors adopted to different degrees will generate three ideal governing styles, that is, mobilized governance, bureaucratic management, and market-based settlement. These three ideal governing styles can be differentiated in three dimensions: the rationality of the behavior’s motives, the hierarchy of the organization, and the specialized division of labor in solving the public issues. / Using this theoretical framework for analysis, the author compared the changes of the governing styles of the Communist Party of China in three historical periods - revolution era, Maoist era, and reform era, and explored the reasons of the changes. The change of the party’s political status altered the characteristics of its organizational structures. This core factor, together with the adjustment of the central tasks and the changes of the guiding thoughts in the party during different historical periods, determined how these means such as mobilization, coercion and exchange were selected and combined. Mass mobilization techniques and working styles obtained in the revolution era remained effective after the party took its ruling position, and it constituted a major legitimate basis of the party’s ruling of the country together with the faithful pursuit of effective ‘mass line’ tactics. However, as the party’s coercion capacity and material resources grew over the years and it was getting more hierarchical, mobilization has been weakened and ignored, which led to the gradual failing of the party’s daily mass work and social control. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 汪衛華. / "2013年7月". / "2013 nian 7 yue". / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 179-191). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstract in Chinese and English. / Wang Weihua. / 內容摘要 --- p.i / 绪 言 --- p.1 / Chapter 一、 --- 本文主题与研究目的 --- p.1 / Chapter 二、 --- 城市动迁的悲喜剧 --- p.3 / 《蜗居》：强制拆迁悲剧 --- p.3 / 《乔迁之喜》：动迁本来面目 --- p.6 / Chapter 三、 --- 动迁=“动员搬迁 --- p.8 / Chapter 第一章 --- 作为工作方法的动员：概念与分析框架 --- p.12 / Chapter 一、 --- 动员三义 --- p.12 / Chapter 二、 --- 交换 --- p.17 / Chapter 三、 --- 解决公共问题的三种手段 --- p.19 / Chapter 四、 --- 作为集体行动的社会动员 --- p.25 / Chapter 五、 --- 作为发展手段的社会动员 --- p.28 / Chapter 六、 --- 常规政治与动员政治 --- p.30 / Chapter 第二章 --- 中国共产党的社会动员 --- p.36 / Chapter 一、 --- 群众运动与社会动员 --- p.36 / Chapter 二、 --- 群众路线与社会动员 --- p.39 / 发动者 --- p.40 / 发动者与动员对象的关系 --- p.42 / 动员对象--群众 --- p.43 / Chapter 三、 --- 阶级分析与社会动员 --- p.45 / 阶级情感 --- p.46 / 情感与利益 --- p.47 / Chapter 四、 --- 组织特性与社会动员 --- p.50 / Chapter 五、 --- 客观条件 --- p.53 / Chapter 六、 --- 微观机制与宏观效果：纵向历史比较的价值 --- p.57 / Chapter 第三章 --- 动员之起：从对抗政治到非对抗政治 --- p.61 / Chapter 一、 --- 安源经验：组织核心与动员技巧 --- p.61 / Chapter 二、 --- 农民运动：有组织动员与自发暴力 --- p.69 / Chapter 三、 --- 查田运动：社会动员 --- p.76 / 查田运动 --- p.77 / 群众工作方法 --- p.81 / “左倾偏向 --- p.83 / 基本经验：通过乡村基层政权网络进行社会动员 --- p.85 / Chapter 四、 --- 延安道路：中共群众动员模式的定型 --- p.89 / 延安道路 --- p.89 / 抗战背景下党组织的发展 --- p.91 / 动员式治理的初步实践：大生产与减租减息 --- p.99 / “大胆放手 --- p.103 / Chapter 五、 --- 本章小结 --- p.108 / Chapter 第四章 --- 动员之承：动员式治理与科层化 --- p.112 / Chapter 一、 --- 动员式治理主导地位的确立：客观条件与主动选择 --- p.113 / 以动员式治理为主导的客观条件 --- p.114 / 对动员式治理的主动选择 --- p.117 / Chapter 二、 --- 动员组织与科层化的党和国家：矛盾的结合体 --- p.121 / 三重矛盾 --- p.122 / 两种组合 --- p.127 / Chapter 三、 --- 动员青年建设边疆：动员治理与科层管理结合的经验 --- p.129 / 青年垦荒队的示范意义与实际效果 --- p.129 / 大跃进时期的支边移民 --- p.132 / Chapter 四、 --- 作为参照的水库移民：欠制度化 --- p.137 / 前三十年水库移民概况 --- p.137 / 水库移民返迁问题 --- p.139 / Chapter 五、 --- 动员失灵？案例比较与本章小结 --- p.142 / Chapter 第五章 --- 动员之转：群众路线言与行 --- p.145 / Chapter 一、 --- 不再发动群众的群众路线 --- p.145 / Chapter 二、 --- 《人民日报》中反映出的变化 --- p.147 / Chapter 三、 --- 组织基础的变化 --- p.153 / 党员队伍的过度壮大 --- p.153 / 基层组织的转型 --- p.154 / 向专业化迈进 --- p.157 / Chapter 四、 --- 上海城市居民委员会变迁的实例：再行政化？ --- p.158 / 改革开放前的上海城市居委会 --- p.158 / “两级政、三级管理与“四级网络 --- p.161 / 居民委员会的功能转型 --- p.165 / Chapter 五、 --- 本章小结 --- p.169 / Chapter 第六章 --- 重拾群众动员？结论与展望 --- p.170 / 人民主体地位，人民首创精神：官方话语回归的信号 --- p.171 / 动员何以重要 --- p.172 / 动员传统还可能恢复吗？ --- p.174 / 替代方案？ --- p.177 / 参考文献 --- p.179

published_or_final_version / Social Work / Master / Master of Social Sciences

by Fung Siu Yin. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1995. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves [3-8] (2nd gp.)). / Abstract / Acknowledgements / Contents / Chapter Chapter One --- Introduction --- p.1 / Chapter Chapter Two --- Theoretical Framework Beyond Resource Mobilization --- p.19 / Chapter Chapter Three --- "The Cathay Strike： Background, Grievances and Confrontation" --- p.46 / Chapter Chapter Four --- A Diagnosis of Cathay Pacific Corporate Culture and the Formation of Identity and Solidarity --- p.73 / Chapter Chapter Five --- The Corporate Culture and the Micromobilization Process --- p.86 / Chapter Chapter Six --- The Identity of Team Culture Culture of Solidarity: Camaraderie Culture --- p.110 / Chapter Chapter Seven --- Conclusion Bringing Culture back in Collective Action --- p.128 / Appendix / Bibliography

Li, Hang. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 267-282). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts also in Chinese.

Yet, Kam Hon. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 128-134). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts also in Chinese; appendixes includes Chinese.

本研究關注以文化改變為目標的生活風格運動的身份建構過程。以往身份研究主要集中於以政治為目的的傳統社會運動。傳統運動的運動身份是由社會結構所決定的，並由社會運動團體所代表。傳統運動的身份建構過程基本上是建立起「我們」，以别於敵人的「他們」。但由於生活風格運動的目標是文化改變，主要手段是將運動價值透過個人和群體的生活風格展示出來，組織和行為更為私人化和分散。故此，傳統社會運動的理論並不足以描繪生活風格運動的運動身份建構過程。為補充此社會運動理論的不足，我提出生活風格運動的運動身份建構是一個將運動價值實踐的過程。參加者透過個人反省將抽象的價值具體化成演繹和行動，建立另類生活風格或組織，以回答「我們應如何生活？」的問題及引發社會的意識轉變。具體來說，在群體層面，運動身份的建立過程包括(1) 透過加入其他生活風格運動的元素、(2) 按成員個人理解將運動與其他運動區別出來和(3) 協調衝突的價值；在個人層面，(4) 參加者需要結合運動和個人追求以個人化運動身份。本文研究菜園村生活館，探討生活風格運動的運動身份建構過程。研究顯示，由於運動身份不再是由社會結構導向，運動身份建構過程變得更流動，而個人的反思及小組的身份工作也成為生活風格運動的身份建構的重要部份。本研究的重要性是補充傳統社會運動理論對生活運動身份建構解釋的不足及豐富我們對香港生活風格運動的認識。 / This study is concerned with movement identity construction processes in lifestyle movements (LMs). Identity in social movements is mostly studied in the context of traditional social movements, in which the movement identity is derived from a social structure and embodied in formal social movement organizations aiming at affecting state policy. Its identity construction is a process differentiating “we“ from “our enemy“. However, as LMs are value-oriented, diffused, individualized in action, small-sized group in organization and aimed at cultural change, the traditional social movement literature does not help us to understand the identity construction of LMs. It is the gap to be studied here. I argue the process of movement identity construction of LMs is fluid. It is a reflexive actualization of conceptual movement values into concrete interpretations and repertoires of actions. Alternative lifestyles and examples are set up to answer “how should we live?“ and for promoting conscious shifts of specific issues. The actualization of values at the group level takes place in (1) the incorporation of movement ideas in accordance to the local needs, (2) interacting with people of other movements, and (3) negotiation over other conflicting values and practices. The actualization at individual level is (4) a personalization of the movement by blending the movement with a pursuit of authentic self. I conclude that the distinctiveness of LMs’ movement identity construction is the fluidity of the process, group identity work and reflexivity. A case study of Choi Yuen Village is carried out to examine the movement identity construction in LMs, filling the gap in social movement literature and enriching our understanding of LMs in Hong Kong. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Lo, Sin Chi. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 91-95). / Abstracts also in Chinese. / ABSTRACTS --- p.i / 論文摘要 --- p.ii / ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS --- p.ii / TABLE OF CONTENTS --- p.iii / LIST OF TABLES --- p.iv / LIST OF FIGURES --- p.iv / ABBREVIATIONS --- p.iv / Chapter 1. --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1. --- Diffused Lifestyle Movements in Post-capitalist Society --- p.2 / Chapter 1.2. --- Defining Movement Identity --- p.5 / Chapter 2. --- LITERATURE REVIEW --- p.9 / Chapter 2.1. --- Identity work --- p.9 / Chapter 2.2. --- Movement Identity Construction in Traditional Social Movements --- p.10 / Chapter 2.3. --- Identity Work in Diffused Lifestyle Movements --- p.11 / Chapter 3. --- METHODOLOGY --- p.13 / Chapter 3.1. --- Case Study --- p.13 / Chapter 3.2. --- Case Description --- p.14 / Chapter 3.3. --- Data Collection --- p.21 / Chapter 3.4. --- Sample Profile --- p.23 / Chapter 3.5 --- Gaining Access and Gaining Trust --- p.23 / Chapter 3.6. --- Informed Consent and Ethical Issues --- p.25 / Chapter 4. --- THE MOVEMENT IDENTITY CONSTRCUTION OF LMS --- p.25 / Chapter 4.1. --- Background - Movement Values of and Needs Shared among LP --- p.26 / Chapter 4.2.1. --- Incorporating Movements’ Ideas as Participants’ Need --- p.35 / Chapter 4.2.2. --- Interacting with other Social Movement Participants to create Personal Interpretation --- p.63 / Chapter 4.2.3. --- Negotiation over Conflicting Values --- p.68 / Chapter 4.2.4. --- Blending Movement Values and Personal Lives --- p.76 / Chapter 5. --- CONCLUSION --- p.84 / APPENDIX --- p.89 / REFERENCES --- p.91

This thesis examines the political activism of Hong Kong youths known as the Post-80s. In contrast to dominant discourse in Hong Kong claiming that these youths are driven by economic concerns, based on 18 months of fieldwork, I suggest that the Post-80s are instead striving to reimagine what politics means as a part of life in the postcolonial city. It is emphasised that youths are 'protesting' as an act of rejecting mainstream politics, and as a means to realise their desire for a different form of politics to emerge in the city. By bringing youth voices to the forefront, this thesis addresses two broad themes - why and how the Post-80s protest. The thesis first provides an overview of Hong Kong politics, arguing that youths express a deep sense of dissatisfaction towards the political culture in society dictated by financial interests, and towards the hierarchical structures within the political domains that stifle the public voice. The thesis then reviews how the Post-80s challenge these conditions by positing a form of alternative politics predicated on individualistic self-representation manifesting through the self, body, and space. I look at youth claims that becoming political is an 'individual choice', and the ways in which their strong sense of individuality interacts with/counteracts the limitations on their political participation imposed by familial ties and gender roles. I then explore Post-80s attempts to dispel bodily passivity in protests through the incorporation of performance art into their political actions to empower the individual activist, and analyse youth attempts to reconfigure urban space into political sites of individualistic experimentation. The conclusion reviews the impact Post-80s activism has had on the realpolitik of the city, noting the inherent contradictions within the political efforts of the Post-80s and their limited ability to inflict widespread structural changes in Hong Kong politics.

在全球基金總部要求擴大公民社會參與度的背景下，2006年4月，非政府組織聯合發起運動，反對中國全球基金國家協調委員會秘書處組織的兩名民間社會代表的選舉，要求增加參與權和改善選舉程式。本研究採用質性研究方法，對這場由非政府組織發起的政策倡導運動的發生原因、運動發起方的構成與真實力量、運動參與方在期間的互動過程與策略運用以及運動所能達成的成果展開分析，為社會運動理論在中國的適用與變化提供實證研究基礎上的探索，對非政府組織在中國環境下謀求組織發展及拓寬政治參與空間提出建議。 / 本研究回顧了中國愛滋病問題的背景與現狀、西方社會運動研究理論體系與相關研究成果以及中國抗爭政治研究，採用動員結構與政治機會結構為核心的分析框架，發現： / （1）在西方社會運動理論研究中沒有重要地位的傘狀組織關係在在CCM選舉運動動員結構中扮演了關鍵角色，增加了運動發起方的整體力量與合法性來源，並呈現出多層級傘狀組織結構。 / （2）CCM選舉運動聯盟距離臨時性、適當制度化和去中心化的目標尚有距離，正在向理想的外部動員結構轉化，目前呈現出非政府組織聯盟與多層級傘狀組織相結合的動員結構。 / （3）中國目前宏觀政治環境中存在倡導型運動的生存空間。通過一系列的策略選擇與運用，運動發起方可以發掘、詮釋、擴大政治機會，不斷營造運動發展空間，尤其是對國際因素的敏銳把握與利用，成功將運動不斷推進。 / （4）政治機會結構四要素並不是平行發揮作用。在國家鎮壓能力基本穩定維持不變的情況下，政治體制內同盟者的存在對政治管道和政治精英體制穩定性發揮主導作用，進而對運動進程和結果帶來深遠影響。 / 本研究提出了目前CCM選舉運動的動員結構特徵，以及運動發起方在對政治機會把握、利用過程中的優點與缺陷，並提議加入跨界拓展作為考察外部動員結構的分析視角，在政治機會結構四要素的分析中整合國際因素的影響，最後提出對非政府組織發展，國際項目管理和相關政策的建議。 / Since Global Fund claimed for expanding public participation in civil society, in the April of 2006 NGOs made allies to launch a movement against the election organized by CCM Secretariat, requiring adding the right of participation and improving election procedures. With qualitative research method, this paper analyzes the reason, process and result including interactions and strategies among participants of this advocacy movement organized by NGOs, providing evidence-based study for employment and adaptation of the social movement theory in China; and makes suggestions for NGOs to expand organization development and political participation in the context of China. / This study adopts mobilization structure and political opportunity structure in the theory of social movement as core theoretical framework based on reviewing the background and status quo of AIDS issue in China, the theory and relevant studies of social movement as well as studies on China contentious politics. Findings are as follows: / 1.Umbrella organizations, which are of less emphasis in the western studies of social movement, play a key role in CCM election movement mobilization. It increases organizers’ overall strength and legitimacy and shows a multi-level structure. / 2.CCM election movement allies haven't yet achieved being temporary, proper institutionalized and decentralized, and are converting into ideal external mobilization structure, demonstrating integration among NGOs allies and multi-level umbrella organizations at present. / 3.There exists living space for advocacy movements in the context of political environment in China. Organizers are able to detect, interpret, extend political opportunity via exertion of strategies, especially taking advantage of international factor, and, consequently, push the movement forward successfully / 4.Four components of political opportunity structure are not equally important. Under the circumstance that the state remains its ability of repression, political elite allies play a more leading role than the access to participation and the stability of ruling alignments and influence profoundly on both process and result of the movement. / This paper delineates the mobilization structure of CCM election movement as well as the disadvantages and advantages of organizers, when they were holding political opportunities and taking advantages of them. Allies cross borders are added as a new angle of view to analyze external mobilization structure. International factor is integrated with four components of political opportunity structure to analyze the issue. Suggestions are made for organization development of NGOs, international projects management and policy reform in the end. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 王泳. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 223-258) / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Wang Yong. / 致謝 --- p.5 / 研究摘要 --- p.6 / Chapter 第一部分 --- 研究問題與研究方法 --- p.12 / Chapter 第一章 --- 導論 --- p.12 / Chapter 一 --- 緣起 --- p.12 / Chapter 二 --- 研究背景與簡介 --- p.13 / Chapter 三 --- 研究問題 --- p.14 / Chapter 第二章 --- 文獻回顧 --- p.18 / Chapter 一 --- 中國愛滋病問題回顧與現狀 --- p.18 / 問題的浮現 --- p.18 / 現有公共政策的缺陷 --- p.21 / 憤怒之源“血漿經濟 --- p.22 / 愛滋病領域內的先鋒，NGO介入與資訊披露 --- p.25 / 來自基層的普遍抗爭與草根小組的大量湧現 --- p.30 / 聯合抗爭的逐漸形成 --- p.36 / Chapter 二 --- 西方社會運動理論及其研究發展歷程 --- p.38 / 社會運動理論與研究在歐洲的發展 --- p.40 / 美國早期的社會運動研究與理論發展 --- p.41 / 二十世紀九十年代以來政治過程研究與理論的新發展 --- p.43 / 新社會運動 --- p.48 / Chapter 三 --- 中國社會運動與抗爭政治的研究與理論 --- p.49 / Chapter 第三章 --- 概念與理論框架 --- p.62 / Chapter 一 --- 本研究的概念體系 --- p.62 / 草根組織 --- p.62 / 非政府組織 --- p.63 / 以社區為基礎的組織 --- p.66 / 政府主導的非政府組織 --- p.66 / 民間組織 --- p.67 / 國際組織 --- p.67 / Chapter 二 --- 理論框架 --- p.68 / Chapter 第四章 --- 研究設計 --- p.76 / Chapter 一 --- 研究範式與方法 --- p.76 / Chapter 二 --- 研究者的角色 --- p.87 / Chapter 三 --- 訪談對象的抽樣方法 --- p.92 / Chapter 四 --- 資料收集、分析與研究質量 --- p.94 / Chapter 第二部分 --- 研究發現 --- p.100 / Chapter 第五章 --- 全球基金中國國家協調委員會2006年選舉事件始末 --- p.100 / Chapter 一 --- 全球基金中國項目背景與CCM改革 --- p.100 / Chapter 二 --- 第一階段：官方主導的選舉與衝突的產生 --- p.103 / Chapter 三 --- 第二階段 民間選舉與選舉結果合法性爭辯 --- p.107 / Chapter 四 --- 第三階段：獨立第三方調查 --- p.114 / Chapter 五 --- 第四階段：武漢大會與重新選舉 --- p.118 / Chapter 第六章 --- CM選舉事件中抗爭活動的動員結構 --- p.127 / Chapter 一 --- 草根組織與非政府組織的連接 --- p.127 / “愛知行的來龍去脈 --- p.128 / “愛知行與草根組織的關係 --- p.130 / 民間獨立選舉會議之前的動員措施 --- p.137 / 非政府組織參加選舉的動機 --- p.139 / 總結 --- p.143 / Chapter 二 --- 非政府組織聯盟 --- p.145 / 非政府組織間聯盟 --- p.146 / 跨界聯盟與社會關係網絡 --- p.149 / 總結 --- p.154 / Chapter 三 --- 結論 --- p.155 / Chapter 第七章 --- CCM選舉事件中的政治機會分析 --- p.164 / Chapter 一 --- 運動初始階段的政治機會 --- p.165 / CCM選舉抗爭前的政治機會結構 --- p.165 / 政治機會條件成熟與運動的發起 --- p.171 / Chapter 二 --- 運動發展階段的多方互動 --- p.175 / 獨立選舉方的抗爭策略 --- p.175 / 獨立選舉反對方的壓制策略 --- p.183 / 多元利益的角逐 --- p.187 / Chapter 三 --- 結論 --- p.191 / Chapter 第三部分 --- 總結與討論 --- p.195 / Chapter 第八章 --- 總結 --- p.195 / CCM選舉運動的動員結構 --- p.196 / CCM選舉運動的政治機會空間 --- p.199 / 研究貢獻 --- p.204 / 研究局限 --- p.205 / 未來研究方向 --- p.206 / Chapter 第九章 --- 討論與建議 --- p.207 / Chapter 一 --- 非政府組織發展與運動策略 --- p.207 / Chapter 二 --- 國際愛滋病項目的運作與管理 --- p.209 / Chapter 三 --- 政策建議 --- p.211 / Chapter 附錄一 --- 訪談提綱 --- p.214 / 對NGO的訪談提綱 --- p.214 / 對草根小組的訪談提綱： --- p.215 / 對參與抗爭行動的HIV感染者的訪問提綱 --- p.216 / Chapter 附錄二 --- 訪談同意書 --- p.218 / Chapter 附錄三 --- 受訪者基本情況 --- p.221 / 參考文獻 --- p.223

As an organization of the powerless, H15 Concern Group has a good internal operating mechanism, and the core volunteers and residents make sacrifices and persist in advanced claims to good city. The pluri-class volunteers and multilevel networks from grassroots organization to international civil society concerned and devoted into this social movement, which made H15's struggling action showed positive and productive power. And this is the important reason that the power of powerless could be showed by the mass media and recognized by many people. H15 transformed from social movement organization to civil educational organization according to the changed situation. Although the efforts of H15 suffered a lot of failures, it became a very influential and powerful actor in the area of urban renewal and planning. The government also made efforts and improvements in the administration and ideas as a reaction of civil society's fights and appeals. / Relational and processual are the natures of Power. This research combines two theoretic frameworks of 'processualism' and 'generative' to suggest that power is generative, i.e. to acquire power is a process in which power is keeping generative. With an ethnography of a social movement in urban renewal area in Hong Kong, the dissertation systematically illustrates the generation of the power of the powerless, what is the opportunities and constrains of the powerless, the social drama of the generating process, the mechanism of its organization and social networks, the effective and variable repertoire of collective action, different ways in which it generates, and the political ecology it. / The power generating from bottom to top, which is the power of the powerless, coexist with the governmental power without force, show a "contending cooperation" pattern of political culture in the complicated urban political ecosystem. This public managing pattern not only gives an opportunity for the powerless to voice and act, but also helps the political governance of the municipal authorities nowadays. / 夏循祥. / Adviser: Chan Kin-Man. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 73-04, Section: A, page: . / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 307-315). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [201-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Xia Xunxiang.