This project explains Polish non-violence and Algerian violence under martial law following peaceful protests against comparable material deprivation and authoritarian political exclusion. From narratives of state formation, institutional performance, and social movement evolution in postwar Poland and postcolonial Algeria a conditional model derives violent and non-violent opposition strategies from divergent practical citizenship regimes in formally similar autocratic systems. It argues that distinct regimes of citizen-subjectivity under authoritarian governance foster divergent practices of resistance and evaluations of states before and during emergency conditions that reduce activists to biological life, tempting violence. Where citizenship regimes differentiate social resources (means of protest) from state resources (means or sovereignty), affording regime opponents actual or immanent systemic subjectivity, social agitation remains non-violent despite objectively comprehensive political and social dispossession; in contrast, by subordinating social to state resources, undifferentiated citizenship regimes under martial law wholly eliminate systemic subjectivity, provoking violence. Neither the formal political regime-type nor the immediate experience of social suffering or political abjection distinguishes violent from non-violent responses to despotism; rather, violent versus non-violent protest strategies express discrepant evaluations of regime coercion, reflecting the elimination versus endurance of the citizenship regime that formed the iterated systemic subjectivity of regime opponents. Poland's worker-based citizenship regime endured fiscal crisis and martial law because it provided differentiated social resources: regime opponents had means independent of state solvency to compel policy concessions by withdrawing labor power from industries pivotal to ruling-elite incumbency. But Algeria's client-based citizenship - based on undifferentiated resources - tied activists' systemic means of compulsion to state largesse. Differentiated citizenship regimes endure state crises because citizens retain the social resources, however suspended, of systemic-subjectivity that ground their evaluations of state actions, minimizing incentives to violent pressure on ruling classes. Undifferentiated citizenship regimes perish under state bankruptcy or force, eradicating social resources and channeling the recuperation of subjectivity to anti-systemic acts. In short, Polish workers could strike and threaten the state under martial law; Algerian clients were effectively expelled from political status. In forming opposition strategies, citizens judge state policies or legitimacy, but also their status as systemic subjects. Evaluations of systemic subjectivity reflect experiences in using social resources, not merely immediate material or political conditions. The research design does not test a general theoretical model linking citizenship-subjectivity regimes to experiential evaluations of objective dehumanization, but its conceptual and causal variable analyses may complement other studies of state institutions and social agitations by promoting subject formation over abstract human universals as the key mechanism in reliable social explanation.

This dissertation examines the roots of birth control's legitimacy in the United States. Americans were early adopters of fertility control: between 1790 and 1940, the average number of children born into U.S. families fell from seven to around two. During this period there were no major advances in contraceptive technology and very few outspoken advocates for reproductive rights. What changed were Americans' intimate ideas about the place of childrearing in a good life. The study uses letters, press items, and philanthropic field reports from the early twentieth century--when birthrates and birth control first became major civic issues in the U.S.--to uncover that transition, which has long perplexed scholars. Rather than focusing on the role of vocal activists or socioeconomic change, the dissertation emphasizes the changing "moral economy" of childbearing, as perceived by Americans addressing their own views and those of their peers and forebearers. It shows how economic calculations surrounding childbearing were embedded in matrices of morally-mediated ideas about progress, nature, God, and health--and how shifts in those ideas gave rise to a private, grassroots consensus which gradually nullified all attempts to make birth control illegal or taboo. The analysis pays special attention to the role of ideas about time. Birth control gained legitimacy, first, as Americans became progressively less concerned with eternal chains of being and more with the material present; and second, as they reevaluated birth control's place in history, impressionistically reframing a marker of collective decadence as a sign of individual modernity. Seeing the birth control movement through these Americans' eyes--as a quiet, gradual, furtive movement of living women (and men) who were not necessarily outspoken, feminist, or even civically active--helps us understand Americans' reproductive interests as they understood them, and the potential connections of everyday moral action to lasting historical consequence.

Since the end of the Cold War, the international system has become more cosmopolitan, communicative, and connected. These changes have taken place against a backdrop of intensifying processes of globalization, the unevenness of which has helped redefine possible fields of political action. This dissertation offers an interpretation of how we might go about understanding and representing the intercultural dynamics and forms of politics that constitute the transnational Tibet Movement.

张楠迪扬. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 140-157) / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Zhang Nan Diyang.

This dissertation investigates roles of cultural practice in China’s revolution. It begins with cultural experiments in the War of Resistance to Japan (1937-1945) and culminates with the agrarian cooperativization of the People’s Republic of China in the 1950s. I interrogate how China’s “cultural workers” –– meaning the writers, performers, artists, and filmmakers engaged in the revolutionary project –– participated in mass mobilization. In doing so, I develop elements for a new approach to analyzing cultural works in their relations to political movements. This approach aims to address my study’s driving question: how did the practice of cultural workers advance, challenge, and transform China’s revolutionary process? My formal approach is drawn from an issue at the heart of revolution; namely, that of time. I argue that revolutionaries repeatedly wrestled with remaking time–– whether to and how to break with the past in constructing the future. My study investigates this problematic as it was developed in two temporal fields: campaign time and narrative time. Activists developed campaign time, or standardizing temporal structures, to reform society through sequences of mass mobilization. Distinct from campaign time, cultural workers articulated narrative time through acts of narrative creation in literary prose, theater, art, and cinema. I argue that by analyzing the collisions, collusions, and contradictions between campaign time and narrative time, we can define cultural workers’ interventions in the revolutionary process. The first four chapters focus on the historical emergence of campaign time through mass movements of the Communist base areas during the War of Resistance to Japan. I seek to demonstrate: first, that a coherent series of strategies for mass movements was developed, bearing consistent, repeatable patterns for social reorganization; and second, that cultural workers contributed to, contradicted, and at key moments innovated mass movements through expressions of narrative time. Each of these four chapters proceeds chronologically through major mass movements: the reform of “vagrants” in chapter one; family reforms and women’s labor in chapter two; the hygiene movement in chapter three; and chapter four takes up the anti-spirit medium movement. Chapter five argues that the narrative time of novels stretched the political imagination of campaign time in the scope of the agrarian cooperative movement (approx. 1953-1957). The sixth and final chapter focuses on the case of Liu Qing’s unfinished epic The Builders. I interrogate fraught relations between narrative and campaign times in the novel’s historical trajectory to foreground a problem I call campaign-narrative equivalence. When cultural narratives were conflated with historical movements, such equivalences were produced. The campaign-narrative equivalence is not only a problem for historical interpretation but also for the political imagination. By disentangling these equivalences, which have been grafted upon histories of cultural creation and political transformation, I seek to grasp the distinctive contributions and transformative valence of the cultural worker in China’s revolution –– for then and now.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-07-21T11:38:03Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Deusiney Robson de Araújo Farias.pdf: 1248283 bytes, checksum: 1dd8ae014c54ed45828e05d8949a1b39 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-21T11:38:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Deusiney Robson de Araújo Farias.pdf: 1248283 bytes, checksum: 1dd8ae014c54ed45828e05d8949a1b39 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-06-27 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / Activism in cyberspace, also called cyberactivism, a transnational practice that puts us before invisible demands for techno excluded, and largely ignored by the political field, is presented as a solution to political problems, such as the collaborative public dialogue promotion and as online mobilization. In Brazil, the political struggles variations of recent years raise the following questions: what are the fundamental characteristics of activism in cyberspace and in the Brazilian political field? According to their characteristics, for what reasons do the demands and actions proposed by cyberactivists have little repercussion and support in the Brazilian political field and in society, often leading to temporary disappearance or at random? In response to these questions, we propose five hypotheses, namely: [1] political activism in cyberspace is part of an "activist protocampo"; [2] the hackeractivist has the potential to influence the political field through its actions of resistance; cyberactivists can simulate public opinion; The clickactivist or "like" activist is the maneuvering mass of the cyberactivist actions; [3] ciberactivism favors a much more alterity with the medium of communication and its connection links; [4] the political field is based on the blackmail game, characterized as its main conventional method of action / articulation; and [5] this form of activism provoked a political field reaction, which instrumented means capable of neutralizing actions in cyberspace and capitalizing on the results in favor of the image itself. The critical reflection on the Brazilian political and cybercultural reality aims at organizing a theoretical-methodological framework based on the deductive reasoning method, which is supported by two related symbolic models: [a] the political field as an autonomous microcosm, a socially structure based on a control and dispute system; and [b] activism in cyberspace, an emerging form of action with enormous political potential. Pierre Bourdieu's methodological view of relationally thinking about the object represented a fundamental part of our thesis. Likewise, the theoretical-epistemological framework formed in Brazil about activism in cyberspace contributed to the existing terms classification in the existing literature. Especially based on the concepts of Eugenio Trivinho, Jean Baudrillard, Fábio Malini, Henrique Antoun and Norberto Bobbio, we propose the concept of glocal activism, considering the global life organization modes added to the technomiditic local civilization arrangements resulted in a third social and political dimension, no longer local or global, but - just - glocal. This way, we conclude that, behind the political field visible power, there is an invisible power that acts through the blackmail game. In this dispute, hackeractivism has great potential to decrypt the existing game and eventually subvert the structures of power. This same action, however, makes us vulnerable to advanced digital technology, historically reinforcing the glocal phenomenon as an inexorable existential condition / O ativismo no ciberespaço, também denominado ciberativismo, prática transnacional que nos coloca diante de demandas invisíveis para tecnoexcluídos e, em grande parte, ignoradas pelo campo político, apresenta-se como solução para problemas políticos, como promoção de diálogo público colaborativo e como mobilização online. No Brasil, as vicissitudes das lutas políticas dos últimos anos fazem emergir as seguintes questões: quais as características fundamentais do ativismo no ciberespaço e do campo político brasileiro?; em que pesem suas características, por quais razões as demandas e ações propostas pelos ciberativistas têm pouca repercussão e sustentação no campo político brasileiro e na sociedade, muitas vezes chegando ao desaparecimento temporário ou ao ocaso? Como resposta a essas questões, propomos cinco hipóteses, a saber: [1] o ativismo político no ciberespaço faz parte de um “protocampo ativista”; [2] o hackerativista tem o potencial de influenciar o campo político por meio de suas ações de resistência; os ciberativistas podem criar simulacros de opinião pública; o clickativista ou ativista like é massa de manobra das ações ciberativistas; [3] O ciberativismo favorece muito mais uma alteridade com o meio de comunicação e seus links de conexão; [4] o campo político sustenta-se a partir do jogo de chantagens, caracterizado como o seu principal método convencional de ação/articulação; e [5] essa forma de ativismo provocou uma reação por parte do campo político, que instrumentalizou meios capazes de neutralizar ações no ciberespaço e capitalizar os resultados em favor da própria imagem. A reflexão crítica sobre essa realidade política e cibercultural brasileira visa organizar um arcabouço teórico-metodológico a partir do método de raciocínio dedutivo, baseada em dois modelos simbólicos conexos: [a] o campo político como microcosmo autônomo, estrutura socialmente estruturada sobre um sistema de controle e disputa; e [b] o ativismo no ciberespaço, forma emergente de ação com enorme potencial político. A visão metodológica de Pierre Bourdieu, de pensar relacionalmente o objeto, representou parte fundamental de nossa Tese. Igualmente, o arcabouço teórico-epistemólogico formado no Brasil sobre ativismo no ciberespaço contribuiu para a classificação dos termos apresentados na literatura existente. Especialmente com base nos conceitos de Eugênio Trivinho, Jean Baudrillard, Fábio Malini, Henrique Antoun e Norberto Bobbio, propomos o conceito de ativismo glocal, considerando que os modos de organização global da vida, somados aos arranjos locais na civilização tecnomidiática, resultaram em uma terceira dimensão social e política, já nem local nem global, mas – justamente – glocal. Diante disso, concluímos que, por trás do poder visível do campo político, existe um poder invisível que atua por meio do jogo de chantagens. Nessa disputa, o hackerativismo tem grande potencial para descriptografar o jogo existente e, eventualmente, subverter as estruturas de poder. Essa mesma ação, contudo, nos entrega ao domínio da tecnologia digital avançada, reforçando historicamente o fenômeno glocal como condição existencial inexorável

This dissertation is a case study of The Coalition of Progressive Electors (COPE), a municipal political party in Vancouver, British Columbia. Founded in 1968, COPE claims to represent a coming together of "ordinary citizens" united around a programme of people's needs. In direct opposition to its chief political opponent, the corporatesponsored Non-Partisan Association (NPA), COPE has attempted to articulate the diverse issues and objectives of progressive movements within the civic electoral arena. Following a neo-Gramscian approach, the research highlights both the internal and external challenges confronting COPE throughout the party's long history in Vancouver politics. A neo-Gramscian perspective emphasizes the process of coalition-formation—that is, the creation of a broadly inclusive and widely endorsed counter-hegemonic project. In the advanced capitalist democracies, the task of building electoral coalitions has generally been taken up by political parties that have either tried to gain the active support of social movements, or dismissed their concerns as unwelcome 'distractions' from the main goal of winning state power. However, as the limitations of conventional party politics became increasingly apparent, and as new social movements began to challenge established political boundaries, many experiments in constructing a "new" kind of party have taken place. I have examined COPE as an instance of a "new politics" or movement-oriented party. My research focuses on COPE's efforts to articulate the aims of "new" and "old" political agendas, and to adopt a new social movement style within the realm of electoral politics, thereby serving as a counter-hegemonic vehicle within the local political context. The analysis begins with a review of the concrete practices and experiences of several exemplary movement-oriented parties in various political settings. Based on this literature, the conceptual framework of the study is narrowed to a focus on the content of political debate and the style of political action expected of a movement-party. The COP case study is also situated within the political-economic context of Vancouver's development as a post-Fordist "global city." Systematic examination of COPE's archival documents, observation of the group, and interviews with COPE members reveal that, in its present form, COPE does not rise to the status of a counter-hegemonic force in Vancouver politics, although its particular experience is instructive. Analysis of COPE underscores the necessity of coalition-building around multiple issues and identities, and the need to reconceive the notion of politics to include both electoral and extra-parliamentary struggles. An examination of COPE's historical evolution also points to the need for a greater degree of political flexibility in order to effectively respond to the limits and possibilities presented by specific historical moments. In a post-Fordist era, COPE's electoral appeals to "working people" or "ordinary people" assume a homogeneity among progressive movements that is belied by interrelated processes of economic polarization and political demobilization/exclusion, as well as by the social diversity of the global city. A post-Fordist counter-hegemonic project requires a vision and a political strategy capable of bridging the gaps between disparate interests and movements.

This dissertation is a case study of The Coalition of Progressive Electors (COPE), a municipal political party in Vancouver, British Columbia. Founded in 1968, COPE claims to represent a coming together of "ordinary citizens" united around a programme of people's needs. In direct opposition to its chief political opponent, the corporatesponsored Non-Partisan Association (NPA), COPE has attempted to articulate the diverse issues and objectives of progressive movements within the civic electoral arena. Following a neo-Gramscian approach, the research highlights both the internal and external challenges confronting COPE throughout the party's long history in Vancouver politics. A neo-Gramscian perspective emphasizes the process of coalition-formation—that is, the creation of a broadly inclusive and widely endorsed counter-hegemonic project. In the advanced capitalist democracies, the task of building electoral coalitions has generally been taken up by political parties that have either tried to gain the active support of social movements, or dismissed their concerns as unwelcome 'distractions' from the main goal of winning state power. However, as the limitations of conventional party politics became increasingly apparent, and as new social movements began to challenge established political boundaries, many experiments in constructing a "new" kind of party have taken place. I have examined COPE as an instance of a "new politics" or movement-oriented party. My research focuses on COPE's efforts to articulate the aims of "new" and "old" political agendas, and to adopt a new social movement style within the realm of electoral politics, thereby serving as a counter-hegemonic vehicle within the local political context. The analysis begins with a review of the concrete practices and experiences of several exemplary movement-oriented parties in various political settings. Based on this literature, the conceptual framework of the study is narrowed to a focus on the content of political debate and the style of political action expected of a movement-party. The COP case study is also situated within the political-economic context of Vancouver's development as a post-Fordist "global city." Systematic examination of COPE's archival documents, observation of the group, and interviews with COPE members reveal that, in its present form, COPE does not rise to the status of a counter-hegemonic force in Vancouver politics, although its particular experience is instructive. Analysis of COPE underscores the necessity of coalition-building around multiple issues and identities, and the need to reconceive the notion of politics to include both electoral and extra-parliamentary struggles. An examination of COPE's historical evolution also points to the need for a greater degree of political flexibility in order to effectively respond to the limits and possibilities presented by specific historical moments. In a post-Fordist era, COPE's electoral appeals to "working people" or "ordinary people" assume a homogeneity among progressive movements that is belied by interrelated processes of economic polarization and political demobilization/exclusion, as well as by the social diversity of the global city. A post-Fordist counter-hegemonic project requires a vision and a political strategy capable of bridging the gaps between disparate interests and movements. / Arts, Faculty of / Sociology, Department of / Graduate